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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 16 January 2009
It is a curiosity of modern scholarship that the only general work on antebellum Southern Romanticism is Rollin G. Osterweis' Romanticism and Nationalism in the Old South, which has been in print since 1949, is still read, and still –if only for want of a competitor –used. Yet much has changed in understanding of the social and intellectual history of the Old South, and even more of the phenomenon of Romanticism. These changes, natural enough over the span of two intellectual generations, have made many of that book's presumptions questionable; so a second look at the problem seems worthwhile, to clear the ground and to indicate fresh directions. For Osterweis wrote within the assumptions of the 1940s about the nature and shortcomings of Romanticism. He was guided by Irving Babbitt, who scorned Romanticism as a puling and exaggerated passion instigated by Rousseau, a disaster for rational men: at best silly, as with the jousts of antebellum Virginia; at worst dangerous, as with the secession convention of South Carolina. But Osterweis was Babbitt with a difference. While Babbitt and, more weightily, Ernst Cassirer had thought that Romanticism had led the world astray and it was still astray, with Hitler the avatar of Hegel as chilling evidence, Osterweis cheerily regarded Romanticism as a movement that had expired with the nineteenth century, a fossil safe to mock. To this perspective, largely adopted from Jacques Barzun's Romanticism and the Modern Ego (1943), Osterweis added the view of Arthur Lovejoy, who had insisted that Romanticism, while possessing a core notion of diversity and flux, should most safely be regarded as multiple: there were Romanticisms, not a Romanticism.
1 Osterweis, Rollin G., Romanticism and Nationalism in the Old South (New Haven, 1949)Google Scholar, especially “Appendix: Romanticism Defined,” 235–39; Babbitt, Irving, Rousseau and Romanticism (Boston, 1919)Google Scholar; Cassirer, Ernst, The Myth of the State (New Haven, 1946)Google Scholar; Barzun, Jacques, Romanticism and the Modern Ego (Boston, 1943)Google Scholar, revised as Classic, Romantic and Modern (Garden City, N.Y., 1961)Google Scholar; Lovejoy, Arthur, “On the Discrimination of Romanticisms,” in Essays in the History of Ideas (Baltimore, 1948), 228–53Google Scholar.
2 Phillips, Ulrich B., Life and Labor in the Old South (Boston, 1931)Google Scholar, and American Negro Slavery (New York, 1918)Google Scholar; in adopting the notion of a “Great Reaction,” Ostwerweis was much influenced by Eaton, Clement, Freedom of Thought in the Old South (Durham, 1940)Google Scholar; the Jacobite theme is elaborated in Osterweis, Rollin G., The Myth of the Lost Cause, 1865–1900 (Hamden, Conn., 1973)Google Scholar.
3 von Schlegel, August Wilhelm, A Course of Lectures on Dramatic Art and Literature, trans. Black, John (London, 1846)Google Scholar; von Schiegel, Friedrich, in Athenaeums-Fragment 116 [1798]Google Scholar; see Eichner, Hans, ed., ‘Romantic’ and Its Cognates/The European History of a Word (Toronto, 1972), esp. 98–156Google Scholar.
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13 By this distinction, it might be possible to link Romanticism with the “antimodernism” of which Jackson Lears has written, an antimodernism that, to my eye, is much older than the contemporaries of Henry Adams: see Lears, T. J. Jackson, No Place of Grace Antimodernism and the Transformation of American Culture, 1880–1920 (New York, 1981)Google Scholar. The reactions of Hugh Legaré and of Henry Adams to Antwerp, forty years apart, are strikingly similar, which might seem to support William Taylor's suggestion, in Cavalier and Yankee: The Old South and American National Character (New York, 1961)Google Scholar, that antebellum Southern intellectuals be seen as Mugwumps.
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21 Beverley Tucker, for example, wished to create in Missouri “a true Virginia settlement,” or, in the words of his biographer, “a slaveholders' Camelot,” a venture as successful as Brook Farm: Brugger, Robert J., Beverley Tucker: Heart Over Head in the Old South (Baltimore, 1978), 57–71Google Scholar; for a modern British account of the Old South that evidently mistrusts Jacksonianisn, see Collins, Bruce, White Society in the Antebellum South (London, 1985)Google Scholar.
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25 For example, John F. Randolph to Charles Campbell, 16 April 1848, Campbell Papers, College of William and Mary, written from Yazoo City, reads: “Altho' I like the South better than Virginia as a place of residence, it will be a long time before I can become entirely weaned from my early associations;” this was the usage of George Washington's generation in speaking of the Carolinas and Georgia: see Alden, John R., The First South (Baton Rouge, 1961), 9–10Google Scholar; Freehling, Alison Goodyear, Drift Toward Dissolution: The Virginia Slavery Debate of 1831–1832 (Baton Rouge, 1982)Google Scholar; Bruce, Dickson D. JrThe Rhetoric of Conservatism: The Virginia Convention of 1829–30 and the Conservative Tradition in the South (San Marino, 1982)Google Scholar.
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29 Simms comes closest to the Virginian tone, although South Carolina produced nothing quite like William Alexander Caruthers and Philip Pendleton Cooke. But it is justice to add that, in Hugh Blair Grigsby and Charles Campbell, Virginia also produced the most severe historical critics of that Cavalier myth, long before T. J. Wertenbaker. Charles Campbell to Thomas H. Williamson, n.d. [1848], Campbell Papers, William and Mary, has: “In regard to the Cavaliers & Puritans in Va. Mr. Grigsby's view appears to be just. There were families in the colony of good descent – but the bulk of them were plain people. There was some infusion of Cavalier blood but hardly enough to produce any sensible effect upon the people;” see also Frank, W. and Klingberg, Frank J., eds., The Correspondence Between Henry Stephens Randall and Hugh Blair Grigsby, 1856–1861 (Berkeley, 1952)Google Scholar.
30 An unjustly neglected book, which is good on intellectual life, is Reinders, Robert C., End of an Era: New Orleans, 1850–1860 (New Orleans, 1964)Google Scholar; Miller, Randall M. and Wakelyn, Jon L., eds., Catholics in the Old South: Essays on Church and Culture (Macon, 1983)Google Scholar; Reynolds, I. A., ed., The Works of the Right Rev. John England, First Bishop of Charleston (5 vols., Baltimore, 1849)Google Scholar; Clarke, Peter, A Free Church in a Free Society: The Ecclesiology of John England, Bishop of Charleston, 1820–1842 (Hartsville, 1982)Google Scholar; Carey, Patrick, An Immigrant Bishop: John England's Adaptation of Irish-Catholicism to American Republicanism (Yonkers, 1982)Google Scholar.
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32 Cassirer, Ernst, Rousseau, Kant, Goethe: Two Essays (Princeton, 1945)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Berlin, Isaiah, Against the Current: Essays in the History of Ideas (London, 1979)Google Scholar. René Wellek is firmly within this tradition.
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34 Krumpelmann, John T., Southern Scholars in Goethe's Germany (Chapel Hill, 1965), 6–7Google Scholar; Orsini, Gian N. G., Coleridge and German Idealism: A Study in the History of Philosophy (Carbondale, 1969), 3–56Google Scholar; Legaré, Hugh S., “Lord Byron's Character and Writings,” Southern Review, 5 (1830), 463–522Google Scholar.
35 Some of the evidence for this can be found in O'Brien, Michael, ed., All Clever Men, Who Make Their Way: Critical Discourse in the Old South (Fayetteville, 1982)Google Scholar.
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37 Here I differ from Faust, A Sacred Circle, 19, which remarks, “These Southerners were cultural provincials who lacked the sophistication of modern or even of the most prominent nineteenth-century Critics.” I do not see Southerners as any more provincial than Englishmen, nor any marked superiority in modern thought. Hence I doubt that intellectual Southerners gathered allusions “to enhance the significance of their own Situation, imparting to it a degree of transcendence,” or at least any more so than any group of intellectuals. I find puzzling the implication that for a Southerner to quote Vico was pretentious, for an Englishman, not so.
38 von Goethe, Johann Wolfgang, Conversations with Eckermann (New York, 1901), 302Google Scholar: the observation was made on 2 April, 1829.
39 “It is noticeable that the word curiosity, which in other languages is used in a good sense … has in our language no sense of the kind, no sense but a rather bad and disparaging one”: Arnold, Matthew, “The Function of Criticism at the Present Time” [1864], in Essays Literary and Critical (London, 1906), 10Google Scholar.
40 There has been some interesting comparative work lately on Southern slavery and Russian serfdom, with some note of the proslavery and proserfdom arguments. Anyone who knows the Southern antebellum intellectual scene and reads Berlin, Isaiah, “A Remarkable Decade,” in Russian Thinkers (London, 1978), 114–209Google Scholar, will suspect that the project of a more systematic comparison between the life of the mind in the Old South and Russia would be worthwhile. See Kolchin, Peter, “In Defense of Servitude: American Proslavery and Russian Proserfdom Arguments, 1760–1860,” American Historical Review, 85 (1980), 809–27CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
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43 Not, it is worth observing, a clubbable man.
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48 Hillhouse, James T., The Waverley Novels and Their Critics (Minneapolis, 1936)Google Scholar is still the best guide to pre-1914 critical appreciation of Scott.
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