Skip to main content
×
×
Home

Individualism Versus Collectivism in Nineteenth-Century Britain: A False Antithesis

  • Harold Perkin (a1)
Extract

The critical transition in social policy in nineteenth-century Britain, it is still generally believed, was the change from individualism to collectivism. Yet since Dicey came under fire in the late 1950s, there has been no accepted consensus about how and when this transition came about. Dicey himself, who was not strictly a historian but a theorist of jurisprudence, held a naive view of how things happen, how policy changes and is translated into law: a great thinker thinks, and converts disciples, who in turn contrive to turn the master's thoughts into the dominant wisdom or accepted common sense of the age, which then finds its way on to the Statute Book. In this way he arrived at his famous tripartite division of the nineteenth century into three periods of public opinion, government policy, and legislation: the first, up to 1825 or 1830, the period of Old Toryism, legislative quiescence, or Blackstonian optimism, dominated by Sir William Blackstone; the second, from about 1830 to 1865 or 1870, the period of Benthamism or Individualism, dominated by Jeremy Bentham and his disciples; and the last, from 1865 or 1870 to the time of his lectures on Law and Opinion published in 1905, the period of Collectivism, dominated, it seems, by no great thinker of powerful mind and principle, but merely by the pragmatic need to propitiate the emerging and increasingly powerful working-class voter. It is surprising that Dicey could not find a great thinker on whom to serve an affiliation order for fathering collectivism.

Copyright
References
Hide All

1. Dicey, A. V., Lectures on the Relation between Law and Public Opinion in England during the Nineteenth Century (London, 1905), passim. (Hereafter, Law and Public Opinion.)

2. Mill, J. S., Autobiography (London, 1873, 1958 ed.), p. 195; Chadwick, E., On Unity (London, 1885), p. 99.

3. Brebner, J. B., “Laissez-faire and State Intervention in 19th-century Britain,” Journal of Economic History, Supplement VIII (1948), 5973.

4. Stark, W. (ed.), The Economic Writings of Jeremy Bentham (Cambridge, 19521954), vol. I, Editor's Introduction.

5. Hart, J., “Nineteenth-Century Social Reform: a Tory Interpretation of History,” Past and Present, No. 31 (July, 1965).

6. MacDonagh, O., “The Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government: a Reappraisal,” Historical Journal, I (1958); G. Kitson Clark, “Statesmen in Disguise,” ibid., II (1959).

7. H. Parris, “The Nineteenth-Century Revolution in Government: a Reappraisal Reappraised,” ibid., III (1960), and Constitutional Bureaucracy: the Development of British Central Administration since the 18th-Century (London, 1969), Ch. 9. See also Hart, J., “Nineteenth-Century Social Reform,” Past and Present, No. 3.

8. Ibid., 42.

9. Lambert, R., “Central and Local Relations in Mid-Victorian England: the Local Government Act Office, 1858-71,” Victorian Studies, VI (1962).

10. See Perkin, H., The Origins of Modern English Society, 1780-1880 (London, 1969), pp. 241–52.

11. Dicey, Law and Public Opinion, Lecture 11; Brebner, , “Laissez-faire,” J.E.H., VIII; Robbins, L., The Theory of Economic Policy (London, 1952), esp. pp. 181–94; Taylor, A. J., Laissez-faire and State Intervention in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London, 1972), Ch. 8.

12. Halévy, E., The Growth of Philosophical Radicalism (London, 1928; 1959 ed.), pp. 1518.

13. The authoritarian implications of Benthamite utilitarianism are well brought out by Stokes, Eric in The English Utilitarians and India (Oxford, 1959), especially pp. 4780, where in an imperial context they were unrestrained by the countervailing Benthamite principle of representative democracy.

14. Mill, J. S., The Principles of Political Economy (6th ed.; London, 1865; 1904 reprint), p. 573.

15. The concept of positive freedom used here is not at all that criticized by Isaiah Berlin in his Inaugural Lecture, Two Concepts of Liberty (Oxford, 1958), which embraces the notion of self-mastery by a ‘true’ or higher self and paves the way therefore for authoritarian philosophers or regimes, like certain Benthamites and Hegelians or Fascist and Stalinist governments, to claim that they are liberating the higher self of the individual by enchaining the lower. It simply contrasts the positive freedom to fulfill one's self, whether labelled higher or lower, with the merely negative absence of constraint which was the core of the naive version of laissez-faire liberalism.

16. See Roach, John, “Liberalism and the Victorian Intelligentsia,” Cambridge Historical Journal, XIII (1957).

17. Dicey, , Law and Public Opinion, pp. 245–48; Mill, , Principles, pp. 580–81.

18. Money, L. G. Chiozza, Riches and Poverty (London, 1905; 1906 ed.), pp. 227-33, 250–56.

19. See Perkin, H. J., “Land Reform and Class Conflict in Victorian Britain,” in Butt, J. and Clarke, I. F. (eds.), The Victorians and Social Protest (Newton Abbot, 1973).

20. Garvin, J. L., Life of Joseph Chamberlain (London, 1932), I, 462.

21. See Perkin, , “Land Reform and Class Conflict,” pp. 207–17.

22. Ibid.

Recommend this journal

Email your librarian or administrator to recommend adding this journal to your organisation's collection.

Journal of British Studies
  • ISSN: 0021-9371
  • EISSN: 1545-6986
  • URL: /core/journals/journal-of-british-studies
Please enter your name
Please enter a valid email address
Who would you like to send this to? *
×

Metrics

Full text views

Total number of HTML views: 0
Total number of PDF views: 6 *
Loading metrics...

Abstract views

Total abstract views: 353 *
Loading metrics...

* Views captured on Cambridge Core between September 2016 - 13th June 2018. This data will be updated every 24 hours.