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The Emergence of the Military Order in the Twelfth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 March 2011

A.J. Forey
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At the time when encyclopaedic works on the military orders began to be produced in the late sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, it was widely held that the military order was an institution which had existed for most of the Christian era. Many of the orders catalogued in these volumes were reported to have been founded well before the period of the crusades, although there were often conflicting opinions about the precise antiquity of a particular foundation. Various dates were, for example, given for the establishment of the military order which the knights of the Holy Sepulchre were thought to constitute: although some held that it had been founded shortly after the first crusade, its creation was attributed by others to St James the Less in the first century A.D., while its origins were also placed in the time of Constantine and in that of Charlemagne. The foundation of the order of Santiago, which in fact occurred in 1170, was often traced back to the ninth century; yet while some linked it with the supposed discovery of the body of St James during the reign of Alfonso 11, others associated it with the legendary victory of Clavijo, which was placed in the time of Ramiro i. The accumulation of myth and tradition recorded in these encyclopaedias has exercised a prolonged influence on historians of the military orders: disproof has not always been sufficient to silence a persistent tradition. It is, nevertheless, clear that the Christian military order, in the sense of an institution whose members combined a military with a religious way of life, in fact originated during the earlier part of the twelfth century in the Holy Land.

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The Journal of Ecclesiastical History , Volume 36 , Issue 2 , April 1985 , pp. 175 - 195
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1985

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References

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2 M. L. Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus militiae Templi Hierosolymitani magistri. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte des Templerordens 1118/19–1314 (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Phil.-hist. Klasse. Dritte Folge, lxxxvi), Göttingen 1974, 20–1, uses a letter from Ivo of Chartres to Hugh of Champagne (P.L., clxii. 251–3 ep. 245) to take the origins of the Temple back several years earlier. Bulst-Thiele is certainly right in arguing that Hugh was not joining the Hospital, as was thought by Jubainville, H. Arbois de, Histoire des dues et des comtes de Champagne, Paris 1860, ii. 110–14Google Scholar; but it m ay be doubted whether the letter refers to the Temple either, for Hugh is said to have vowed himself to the militia Christi already before setting out to the East: ‘Hierosolymam profecturus militiae Christi te ipsum devovisti’; Ivo moreover speaks of the militia as fighting with 10,000 against 20,000 and it could therefore hardly refer to the Temple; and in speaking of Hugh’s separation from his wife he quotes a text (1 Cor. vii. 5) which refers to a temporary separation; cf. Ivo, Decretum, viii. 127, 133, in P.L., clxi. 612–13. Hugh may in fact have been taking merely a crusading vow, for which a wife’s consent was apparently necessary: Brundage, J. A., Medieval Canon Law and the Crusader, Madison 1969, 36Google Scholar.

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7 Fulcheri Carnotensis historia Hierosolymitana, ii. 6, ed. H. Hagenmeyer, Heidelberg 1913, 389; see also the letter written by Daimbert in April 1100: Hagenmeyer, H., Epistulae el chartat ad historiam primi belli sacri spectantes, Innsbruck 1901, 176–7Google Scholar, doc. 21.

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11 J. von Hammer, History of the Assassins, trans. O. C. Wood, London 1835, 57, 216 (the work originally appeared in 1818); C. E. Nowell, ‘The Old Man of the Mountain’, Speculum, xxii (1947), 504–5.

12 See the comments about ranks and dress among the Assassins in Hodgson, M. G. S., The Order of the Assassins, The Hague 1955, 82–3Google Scholar.

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14 Conde, J. A., Historic de la dominación de los árabes en Españo, Madrid 1820, i. 619 note 1Google Scholar; Asín, J. Oliver, ‘Origen árabe de “rebato”, “arrobda” y sus homónimos’, Boletín de la Real Academia EspaAola, xv (1928), 540–1Google Scholar; Palacios, M. Asin, El Islam cristianizado, Madrid 1931, 138 note 2Google Scholar; Castro, A., The Spaniards: an introduction to their history, Berkeley 1971, 472–6Google Scholar; see also Cocheril, M., ‘Essai sur l’origine des ordres militaires dans la peninsule iberique’, Collectanea Ordinis Cisterciensium Reformatorum, xxi (1959), 247–8Google Scholar. Recent historians of the Spanish military orders have questioned this view: O’Callaghan, J. F., ‘The affiliation of the Order of Calatrava with the Order of Citeaux’, Analecta Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis, xv (1959), 176–8Google Scholar; Lomax, D. W., La Orden de Santiago, Madrid 1965, 3–4Google Scholar. The comments on this subject by Conde, A. Linage, ‘Tipología de vida monástica en lasórdenes militares’, Termo, xii (1974), 85–6Google Scholar, are not very helpful.

15 Castro, Spaniards, 476.

16 Glick, T. F. and Pi-Sunyer, O., ‘Acculturation as an explanatory concept in Spanish history’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, xi (1969), 152Google Scholar; Glick, T. F., Islamic and Christian Spain in the Early Middle Ages, Princeton 1979, 285Google Scholar.

17 Noth, A., Heiliger Krieg und heiliger Kampfin Islam und Christentum, Bonn 1965, 72–6Google Scholar.

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19 Noth, Heiliger Krieg, 86–7.

20 Ibid., 78–80, 86; G. Marçais, ‘Note sur les ribats en Berbérie’, Mélanges René Basset, ii (Publications de I’Institut des Hautes-Études Marocaines, xi, 1925), 418–21.

21 Règie du Temple, 64–6 caps. 5, 32, 61 (Lat.), 65–7 (Fr.); Forey, A. J., The Templars in the Corona de Aragón, Oxford 1973, 290Google Scholar.

22 Lourie, E., ‘The Confraternity of Belchite, the Ribāt, and the Temple’, Viator, xiii (1982), 170–2Google Scholar.

23 Schnurer, G., Die ursprüngliche Templerregel, Freiburg 1903, 61–2Google Scholar.

24 d’Albon, Marquis, Cartulaire général de l'ordre du Temple, 1119?-1150, Paris 1913, 2–3, doc. 4Google Scholar.

25 Carrière, V., Histoire et cartulaire des Templiers de Pnvins, Paris 1919, xxGoogle Scholar, note 4; Barber, M., ‘The origins of the Order of the Temple’, Studia monastica, xii (1970), 227Google Scholar.

26 Ep. 31, in Opera, vii (1974), 85–6.

27 William of Tyre, Historia rerum, xii. 7, in R.H.C. Occ, i. 520; Chronique de Michel le Syrien, xv. 11, trans. J. B. Chabot, Paris 1905, iii. 201; Walter Map, De nugis curialium, i. 18, ed. Wright, 29–30.

28 Règie du Temple, 14, 19–20.

29 Historia ecclesiastica, xii. 29, ed. M. Chibnall, Oxford 1978, vi. 310.

30 On this confraternity see Rassow, P., ‘La cofradía de Belchite’, Anuario de historia del derecho español, iii (1926), 200–26Google Scholar; Arteta, A. Ubieto, ‘La creación de la cofradía militar de Belchite’, Estudios de edad media de la Corona de Aragón, v (1952), 427–34Google Scholar.

31 It is difficult, however, to accept that Belchite also partook of the characteristics of a monastery and that it ‘could not be a lay society’: Lourie, ‘Confraternity of Belchite’, 172.

32 Borrowings from the Benedictine rule are indicated in the text of the Templar rule published by Schnürer, Templerregel, 130–53.

33 Forey, Templars, 283. In any discussion of those serving for a term with the Templars the varied links existing between outsiders and monasteries in the West should not be ignored.

34 Alexiad, x. 8, trans. E. A. S. Dawes, London 1967, 256–7.

35 In some orders members were commanded to have their hair trimmed so that their vision would be unimpaired, but this did not constitute a formal ritual: Règle du Temple, 32 cap. 28 (Lat.), 21 (Fr.); Perlbach, M., Die Statutcn des Deutschen Ordens, Halle 1890, 40 cap. 12Google Scholar; see also O’Callaghan, , ‘Affiliation’, Analecta Sacri Ordinis Cisterciensis, xvi (1960), 1Google Scholar.

36 Roulx, J. Delaville Le, Cartulaire général de l'ordre des Hospitallers de Saint-Jean de Jérusalem, Paris 1894, i. 425–9Google Scholar, doc. 627; Martín, Orígenes, 249, doc. 73; Statuta capitulorum generalium ordinis Cisterciensis, ed. J. M. Canivez, Lou vain 1934, ii. 3–4, 13–14. The right to admit clerics to the Temple was confirmed by Innocent n in 1139: R. Hiestand Papsturkunden für Templet und Johanniter (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in Göttingen. Phil.-hist. Klasse. Dritte Folge, lxxvii), Gottingen 1972, 204–10, doc. 3. Russell, F. H., The Just War in the Middle Ages, Cambridge 1975, 251Google Scholar, asserts that Robert of Flamborough considered the members of military orders to be clerics, but tacitly exempted them from the prohibition on fighting; in fact he calls them merely personas religiosas: Liber poenitentialis, cap. 148, ed. J. J. F. Firth, Toronto 1971, 150.

37 P.L., ccxvi. 54–6. That Innocent does not employ a more comprehensive term than plerisque is probably to be explained by the fact that the question at issue was the use of force against Christians.

38 Cf. R. Grégoire, ‘Saeculi actibus se facere alienum. Le “mépris du monde” dans la Littérature monastique latine médiévale’, Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique, xli (1965), 251–87.

39 Commentaria in regulam sancti Benedicti, in P.L., cii. 696.

40 Carmen ad Rotbertum regent, lines 155–6, ed. C. Carozzi (Classiques de 1’histoire de France a u moyen âge, xxxii), Paris 1979, 12.

41 Leclercq, J. and Bonnes, L. P., Un Maítre de la vie spirituelle au Xle siècle, Jean de Fécamp, Paris 1946, 201–4Google Scholar; cf. Leclercq, J., ‘The monastic crisis of the eleventh and twelfth centuries’, Cluniac Monasticism in the Central Middle Ages, ed. Hunt, N., London 1971, 219–28Google Scholar.

42 Leclercq, J., ‘Un Témoignage sur l’influence de Grégoire vii dans la réforme canoniale’, Studi gregoriani, vi (1959–1961), 218–19Google Scholar.

43 Some aspects of this topic have recently been discussed by P. Vial, ‘L’Idéologie de guerre sainte et l’ordre du Temple’, Melanges en l'honneur de Etienne Fournial (Annales de l’Unité d’Enseignement et de Recherche des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de I’Université de Saint-Etienne, 1, 1978), 327–33; see also Rousset, P., ‘Les Laics dans la croisade’, I laici nella ‘Socielas Christiana’ dei secoli XI e XII, Milan 1968, 428–43Google Scholar. Whether Christian ideas of holy war were influenced by those of Islam is a separate question which will not be discussed here.

44 S. Anselmi Cantuariensis archiepiscopi opera omnia, ed. F. S. Schmitt, Edinburgh 1946, iii. 211, ep. 86; Baldric of Dol, Historia Jerosolimitana, i. 4, in R.H.C. Occ, iv (1879), 14.

45 i. 8, in P.L., cxxxiii. 647.

46 Liber de vita Christiana, vii. 28, ed. E. Perels, Berlin 1930, 248–9. The importance of Gregory vii's pontificate in this context has been discussed by Robinson, I. S., ‘Gregory vii and the soldiers of Christ’, History, lviii (1973), 169–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Before the end of the eleventh century the practice had begun of blessing a knight’s sword ‘quatinus defensio atque protectio possit esse aecclesiarum, viduarum, orphanorum omniumque Deo servientium contra sevitiam paganorum, aliisque insidiantibus sit pavor, terror et formido’: Flori, J., ‘Chevalerie et liturgie. Remise des armes et vocabulaire “chevaleresque” dans les sources liturgiques du IXe au XlVe siècle’, Le Moyen Âge, lxxxiv (1978), 275–8, 436–8Google Scholar.

47 Policraticus, vi. 9, ed. C. C. J. Webb, Oxford 1909, ii. 23.

48 De laude novae militiae, caps. 1–4, in Opera, iii. 214–21; ep. 363, in Opera, viii (1977), 311–17.

49 Règle du Temple, 12–13.

50 Leclercq, J., ‘La Vie et la prière des chevaliers de Santiago d’apres leur règie primitive’, Liturgica, ii (1958), 351Google Scholar; Blanco, E. Gallego, The Rule of the Spanish Military Order of St James, 1170–1493, Leiden 1971, 76–8Google Scholar.

51 González, J., El reino de Castillo en la época de Alfonso VIII, Madrid 1960, ii. 749–51, doc. 435Google Scholar; Règle du Temple, 344, cap. 676.

52 See, for example, Das Register Gregors VII, ed. E. Caspar (M.G.H., Epistolae selectae, ii. 1), Berlin 1920, i. 165–8; Robert the Monk, Historia Ihcrosolimitana, i. 1, in R.H.C. Occ, iii (1866), 727–8.

53 Règle du Temple, 12.

54 González, Reino de Castillo, ii. 364–5, doc. 220.

55 De laude novae militiae, cap. 3, in Opera, iii. 217; Histand, Papsturkunden, 406, doc. 230; cf. Rousset, P., Les Origines et Us caractères de la première croisade, Geneva 1945, 105–6, 126, 149Google Scholar.

56 Mansi, J. D., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio, Venice 1775, xx. 816Google Scholar; Hiestand, Papsturkunden, 204–10, doc. 3.

57 Colección de documentos inéditos del Archivo General de la Corona de Aragón, ed. P. de Bofarull y Mascaró, iv, Barcelona 1849, 93–9, doc. 43; Albon, Cartulaire, 204–5, doc. 314; Delaville Le Roulx, Cartulaire, i. 141–2, doc. 181; Martín, Orígenes, 212–15, 224–5, 309–10 docs. 42, 51, 124.

58 The subject of conversion is mentioned only very rarely in documents concerning the military orders: Martin, Orígenes, 248–54, doc. 73; Gallego Blanco, Rule of St James, 110, cap. 30.

59 Although in chapter three of the De laude novae militiae St Bernard argued that infidels should not be killed if they could be prevented in other ways from oppressing the faithful, he had earlier appeared to encourage the Templars to seek to kill when he wrote of the miles Christi that ‘cum occidit malefactorem, non homicida, sed, ut ita dixerim, malicida…Mors ergo quam irrogat, Christi est lucrum…In morte pagani christianus gloriatur, quia Christus glorificatur’: Opera, iii. 217.

60 Hiestand, Papsturkunden, 204–10, 214–15, 223, 233–5, docs. 3, 8, 17, 27.

61 Ibid., 330–1, 379–81, docs. 138, 198.

62 Règle du Temple, 58, cap. 48 (Lat.), 56 (Fr.).

63 González, Reino de Castilla, ii. 323–4, 329–30, 376–8, 404–5, docs. 195, 199, 225, 244.

64 Gallego Blanco, Rule of St James, 96, cap. 10; Lomax, Orden de Santiago, 223, cap. 11.

65 Règle du Temple, 120–7, caps. 155–68.

66 Summa theologiae, ii. ii. 188. 6, Blackfriars edn, xlvii, London 1973, 206; cf. John of Salisbury, Policralicus, vii. 21, ed. Webb, ii. 198

67 On martyrdom see Rousset, Première croisade, 47–8, 81–3, 121–3; references are also common in documents referring to the military orders: St Bernard, De laude novae militiae, cap. 1, in Opera, iii. 215; González, Reino de Castillo, ii. 746, doc. 432; Gallego Blanco, Rule of St James, 78.

68 Hagenmeyer, Epistulae, 137; Baldric of Dol, Historia Jerosolimitana, i. 4, in R.H.C. Occ, iv. 15; see also Riley-Smith, J., ‘Crusading as an act of love’, History, lxv (1980), 177–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

69 Hiestand, Papsturkunden, 204–10, doc. 3. John xv. 13 was also quoted by many others with reference to the military orders: Ibid., 386, doc. 208; Letters of Peter the Venerable, ed. G. Constable, Cambridge, Mass. 1967, i. 407–9, ep. 172; Gallego Blanco, Rule of St James, 95, cap. 9; Lomax, Orden de Santiago, 223, cap. 10; Cartulaire de la commanderie des Templiers de Sommereux, ed. A. de Menche de Loisne, Paris 1924, 11–12, 70–2, docs. 6, 53–4.

70 Cf. the comment made, though in a different context, by the author of the Libellus de diversis ordinibus etprofessionibus qui sunt in aecclesia, ed. G. Constable and B. Smith, Oxford 1972, 40–2: ‘Aequalem enim uideo esse misericordiam et in defensandis pro posse ab iniquis pauperibus, et in nutriendis uel suscipiendis hominibus’. He was not, however, referring to the use of force.

71 Gesta Dei per Francos, i. I, in R.H.C. Occ, iv. 124.

72 Liber de doctrina, cap. 63, ed. J. Becquet, Scriptores ordinis Grandimontensis (Corpus Christianorum, Continuatio Mediaevalis, viii), Turnhout 1968, 33.

73 St Bernard, De laude novae militiae, cap. 1, in Opera, iii. 214. J. Fleckenstein, ‘Die Rechtfertigung der geistlichen Ritterorden nach der Schrift “De laude novae militiae” Bernhards von Clairvaux’, Die geistlichen Ritterorden Europas, ed. J. Fleckenstein and M. Hellmann (Vorträge und Forschungen, xxvi), Sigmaringen 1980, 18–21, argues that, despite the christianising of knighthood and developments in monasticism, the combining of a military and religious way of life was at variance with accepted norms in the West in the early twelfth century: it was the need to protect pilgrims which led Hugh of Payns and his followers to adopt a new way of life. But he does not explain why men who had recently come from the West should have formed a religious community for this purpose, if it was out of keeping with western views.

74 Liber miraculorum sancte Fidis, i. 26, ed. A. Bouillet, Paris, 1897, 66–70.

75 Raoul Glaber: les cinq limes de ses histoires, ii. 9, ed. M. Prou, Paris 1886, 44–5.

76 Anselm of Liège, Gesta episcoporum Leodiensium, cap. 55, ed. G. H. Pertz, M.G.H., Scriptores, Hanover 1846, vii. 222.

77 Cirot de la Ville, Histoire de I’abbqye et congrégation de Notre-Dame de la Grande Sauve, Paris 1844, i. 297–9, 497–8.

78 Le’ Liber’ de Raymond d’ Aguilers, ed. J. H. and L. L. Hill, Paris 1969, 54–5; Richard, J., ‘La Confrérie de la croisade: à propos d’un épisode de la première croisade’, Etudes de civilisation médiévale (IXe-XIIe siècles). Mélanges E.-R. Labande, Poitiers 1974, 620–1Google Scholar.

79 Historia rerum, xii. 7, in R.H.C. Occ, i. 521; cf. Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus magistri, 21.

80 Of the two recorded acquisitions which can be assigned to the earlier 1120s, one was from Fulk of Anjou, who had recently been out to the East, and the other was of property near Marseille, an obvious point of contact between East and West: Ordericus Vitalis, Historia ecclesiastica, xii. 29, ed. Chibnall, vi. 310; Albon, Cartulaire, 1–2 doc. 2. Ordericus says that many followed Fulk’s example, but no documentary evidence survives from the earlier 1120s.

81 See the documents published by Albon, Cartulaire; early expansion in France has been traced by Carrière, V., ‘Les Débuts de l'ordre du Temple en France’, Le Moyen Âge, xxvii (1914), 311–21Google Scholar.

82 Règle du Temple, 16–18.

83 See also t he letter to Hugh of Payns from Guigues of Chartreux: Lettres des premiers chartreux (Sources chrétiennes, lxxxviii), Paris 1962, i. 154–60.

84 Opera, iii. 213.

85 See, for example, Peter the Venerable’s comments at the end of his Summa totius haeresis Saracenorum: Kritzeck, J., Peter the Venerable and Islam, Princeton 1964, 211CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

86 Ep. 31, in Opera, vii. 85–6; cf. E. Vacandard, Vie de Saint Bernard, Paris 1927, i. 236–7; Bulst-Thiele, Sacrae domus magistri, 23–4.

87 Leclercq, J., ‘Un Document sur les débuts des Templiers’, Revue d’Histoire Ecclésiastique, lii (1957), 81–91Google Scholar; Sclafert, C., ‘Lettre inédite de Hugues de Saint-Victor aux chevaliers du Temple’, Revue d’Ascétique et de Mystique, xxxiv (1958), 275–99Google Scholar. The question of authorship has been discussed most recently by Fleckenstein, ‘Rechtfertigung’, 9–10, and he is right to argue that the identity of the author must remain uncertain.

88 Opera, iii. 214.

89 Claims of this kind were made for the Hospital of St John in the twelfth century: Riley-Smith, J., The Knights of St John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, c. 1050–1310, London 1967, 32–3CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

90 Opera, iii. 219.

91 Dialogues, i. 1, ed. Salet, 34; cf. B. Smalley, ‘Ecclesiastical attitudes to novelty, c. 1 100-c. 1250’, Church, Society and Politics (Studies.in Church History, xii), Oxford 1975, 119–25.

92 Leclercq, ‘Un Document’, 87; Sclafert, ‘Lettre inédite’, 292.

93 At Clermont in 1095 spiritual rewards were offered only to those who went on crusade ‘pro sola devotione, non pro honoris vel pecuniae adeptione’: Mansi, Collectio, xx. 816.

94 Martín, Origenes, 248–54, doc. 73.

95 Gallego Blanco, Rule ofSt James, 110–12, caps. 30–1; Lomax, Orden de Santiago, 225–6, caps. 34–5.

96 Pitra, J. B., Analecta novissima: Spicilegii Solesmensis altera continuatio, Paris 1888, ii. 420Google Scholar.

97 Leclercq, ‘Un Document’, 87; Sclafert, ‘Lettre inedite’, 292.

98 Leclercq, ‘Un Document’, 88; Sclafert, ‘Lettre inedite’, 294, 296.

99 De laude novae militiae, cap. 3, in Opera, iii. 218.

100 Dialogues, i. 10, ed. Salet, 100.

101 Hiestand, Papsturkunden, 204–10, doc. 3.

102 Opera, iii. 217.

103 Ep. 363, in Opera, viii. 311–17.

104 Pitra, Analecta, ii. 419. An example of this kind of criticism is provided by Walter Map, De nugis curialium, i. 20, ed. Wright, 32.

105 Summa theologiae, n. ii. 188.3, Blackfriars edn, xlvii. 188–92.

106 Aquinas also considered the argument that fighting is incompatible with the religious life because the latter is a state of penance, and righting is forbidden to penitents. He pointed out that warfare in the service of God was sometimes imposed as a penance.