¹ For details see Peter Schäfer, ‘Agobard's and Amulo's Toledot Yeshu’, in Peter Schäfer, Michael Meerson and Yaacov Deutsch (eds), Toledot Yeshu (‘The life story of Jesus’) revisited: a Princeton conference, Tübingen 2014, 28–48. On Amulo see also William Horbury, ‘A critical examination of the “Toledoth Yeshu”’, unpubl. PhD diss. Cambridge 1971, 438–66.

² Origen, Celsum i.32, in Origène, Contre Celse, ed. Marcel Borret, SC cxxxii, Paris 1967, i. 162. For the development of the tradition see Cook, John Granger, ‘The travels of Panthera’, Oriens Christianus civ (2021), 1–22Google Scholar.

³ Amolo von Lyon, Liber de perfidia Iudaeorum 40, ed. and trans. Cornelia Herbers-Rauhut, MGH, Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters xxix, Wiesbaden 2017, 80 (= PL cxvi.169D). See pp. cxvii–cxxi on the date of composition. Herbers-Rauhut's text agrees with that of the first modern editor, Petrus Franciscus Chiffletius, Scriptorum veterum de fide catholica quinque opuscula … iv. Rabani Mauri liber adversus Iudaeos, Dijon 1656, 333. See Schäfer, ‘Agobard's and Amulo's Toledot Yeshu’, 46 (Schafer translates ‘a quo dicunt matrem Domini adulteratam’ as ‘with whom they say the mother of [our] Lord committed adultery’), and Amolo von Lyon, Liber de perfidia Iudaeorum (Herbers-Rauhut edn, 81) (Herbers-Rauhut's translation is ‘Pandera … mit dem, wie sie sagen, die Mutter des Herrn Ehebruch begangen habe’ [‘Pandera … with whom they say the mother of the lord committed adultery’]).

⁴ Latteri, Natalie E., ‘Infancy stories of Jesus: apocrypha and Toledot Yeshu in medieval Europe’, in Brown, Jeremy P. (ed.), A Sukkah in the shadow of Saint Ignatius: essays on the history of Jewish-Christian relations, San Francisco, Ca 2020, 15–51 at p. 41Google Scholar. Jane Schaberg argues that a story of rape lurks behind the accounts in Matthew and Luke: The illegitimacy of Jesus: a feminist theological interpretation of the infancy narratives, San Francisco, Ca 1987, 1, 73, 146, 195 and passim. For a critical response see Brown, Raymond E., The birth of the messiah: a commentary on the infancy narratives in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke, New York 1993, 534–42Google Scholar. Frank Reilly shares Schaberg's view: ‘Jane Schaberg, Raymond E. Brown, and the problem of the illegitimacy of Jesus’, Journal of Feminist Studies in Religion xxi (2005), 57–80.

⁵ William Horbury informed me that this is his position (personal communication). For his views in his dissertation see ‘Critical examination’, 459, 461–2.

⁶ Voltaire, Questions sur l'encyclopédie par des amateurs … huitième partie, [Neuchâtel] 1772, 240.

⁷ Aulus Gellius, Noctes atticae x.23.5 = Cato, Orationum frag. 222, in Oratorum Romanorum fragmenta, ed. Enrica Malcovati, Turin 1976, i. 90 = frag. 201 in M. Porci Catonis orationum reliquiae: introduzione testo critico e commento fililogico, ed. Maria Teresa Sblendorio Cugisi, Turin 1982, 120. On such provisions in the lex Iulia de adulteriis coercendis see Santalucia, Bernardo, Diritto e processo penale nell'antica Roma, 2nd edn, Milan 1998, 201–4Google Scholar.

⁸ Craig A. Williams, Roman homosexuality: ideologies of masculinity in classical antiquity, 2nd edn, Oxford 1999, 55 (Williams translates the passive as ‘if it were to be committed on you’).

⁹ Cf. P. G. W. Glare (ed.), Oxford Latin dictionary, Oxford 1997, s.v. Cp. ‘cum qua [sc. Pompeia] deinde divortium fecit adulteratam opinatus a Publio Clodio’ (‘then he divorced her, believing that she had been defiled by adultery by Publius Clodius’): Suetonius, Divus Iulius vi.2. Robert Kaster suggests that ‘probably the safest general understanding of the sense is “to cause to be impure”, where “impure” in the “proper” meaning of the verb would correspond to impudica (rarely impudicus); and it is my sense that only context could make plain the intentions or agency of the parties involved, to distinguish “rape” from “adultery”. In the case of Amulo's letter the context is not much help’ (communication of 31 August 2021). For uses of impudicam facere see Plautus, Amphitruo 834, and Seneca, Phaedra 735. I thank Professor Kaster for these references.

¹⁰ Vollmer, Friedrich, ‘adultero’: Thesaurus linguae latinae, Leipzig 1900, iGoogle Scholar. 883.58–884.65 at 883.63–4.

¹¹ Thurneysen apud Vollmer, ‘adultero’, ibid. 883.58–9.

¹² Ernout, Alfred and Meillet, Alfred, Dictionnaire étymologique de la langue latin, 4th edn corrected and augmented by Jacques André, Paris 2001, 22Google Scholar. Michiel de Vaan derives ‘adulter’ from ‘*ad-alteros’: Etymological dictionary of Latin and the other Italic languages, Leiden 2008, 34.

¹³ Milena Z. Joksimović, ‘Terminologija preljube u Vulgati i njen društveni, istorijski i kulturni kontekst’ [The terminology of adultery in the Vulgate and its social, historical, and cultural context], unpubl. PhD diss. Belgrade, 2015, 161. I thank Dr Joksimović for correcting the AI translation of her Serbian text, available online at <https://nardus.mpn.gov.rs/handle/123456789/6090>.

¹⁴ Calpurnius Flaccus, Declamationes 31. See Sussman, Lewis A., The Declamations of Calpurnius Flaccus: text, translation and commentary, London 1994, 70–1Google Scholar.

¹⁵ [Flavius Caper], De verbiis dubiis: grammatici latini, ed. Heinrich Keil, Leipzig 1880, vii. 107. In the apparatus Keil has, along with textual variations, ‘fortasse adulterina quae adulterata sunt, at adultera quae adulterat’.

¹⁶ [Quintilianus], Declamationes minora 325 proem.

¹⁷ Ibid. 325.1. According to the Library of Latin Texts database there are about seventy-five occurrences of ‘adultera’ in classical texts before Tertullian. There are about 1,400 usages in the period from Tertullian to 1500 in the same database: <https://www.brepols.net/series/llt-o>.

¹⁸ ‘ergo tibi, soror … adulterandum est’ (‘then, sister … is it necessary that you be defiled by adultery?’): Seneca, Controversiae vii.6.2 (the gerundive, technically a passive). See Suetonius, Divus Iulius vi. 2 and ‘his diebus, quibus ille natus est, mathematici accepta genitura eius exclamaverunt et ipsum filium imperatoris esse et imperatorem, <quasi> mater eius adulterata esset, quod fama retinebat’ (‘during the days in which he was born, the astrologers, when his horoscope had been cast, proclaimed that he was both the son of an emperor and would be an emperor, as if his mother had been defiled by adultery, as the public opinion was maintaining’): Scriptores historiae augustae Diodumenus v.1. Cf. also quia fecit eam adulterari: Opus imperfectum in Matthaeum, Homilia xii ad Matthaeum v.32 (PG lvi.697). See Dekkers, E., Clavis patrum latinorum, Steenbrugis 1951, § 707Google Scholar, and Geerard, M., Clavis patrum graecorum, Turnhout 1974, iiGoogle Scholar. § 4569. For most of these examples see Joksimović, ‘Terminologija’, 161–2.

¹⁹ Ulpian, De adulteriis liber iv apud Digesta xlviii.5.30(29).4; trans. slightly modified from The Digest of Justinian, ed. Alan Watson, Philadelphia, Pa 1985, iv. 326–7; cf. Tracy, Valerie E., ‘The Leno-Maritus’, Classical Journal lxxii (1976), 62–4Google Scholar.

²⁰ ‘Cum mulier viri lenocinio adulterata fuerit’ (‘when a woman has been defiled by adultery by her pander-husband’): Scaevola, liber xix quaestionum apud Digesta xxiv.3.47.

²¹ rapere: Seneca, Controversiae vii.6.proem; adulterandum est: vii.6.2; adulteri, raptores: Seneca, De beneficiis 1.10.4; adulter et raptor: [Quintilianus], Declamationes maiores xvii. 9; raptor, adulter: Quintilianus, Institutiones vii.4.27.

²² De viris illustribus lv. 2, in Sexti Aurelii Victoris liber de caesaribus, ed. F. Pichlmayr, Leipzig 1911, 55; cf. Plutarch, Mulierum virtutes 22, 258E (in whose version Chiomara has the centurion's head cut off and throws it at the feet of her husband). On the various accounts see Moore, Clifford H., ‘The Oxyrhynchus epitome of Livy in relation to Obsequens and Cassiodorus’, American Journal of Philology xxv (1904), 241–55Google Scholar, esp. pp. 243, 249–52, and Kowalewski, Barbara, Frauengestalten im Geschichtswerk des T. Livius, Munich–Leipzig 2002, 188–9Google Scholar.

²³ Florus, Epitome i.27 (olim ii.11).6.

²⁴ ‘violatae per vim pudicitiae’ (‘her pudicitia was violated by force’): Livy, Ab urbe condita xxxviii.24.2–10; ‘capta centurionem, qui ei vim intulerat, occidit’ (‘the captive woman killed the centurion who had inflicted force on her’): Livy, Periochae 38; ‘vim passa erat’ (‘she had suffered force’): P.Oxy 668.i, lines 14–17, an epitome of Livy; ‘stuprum pati coacta’ (‘forced to suffer violation’): Valerius Maximus vi.1.ext.2.

²⁵ Codex ix.13.1.1a, in Corpus iuris civilis, ed. Paul Krueger, 12th edn, Berlin 1959, ii. 378. Translation of Samuel P. Scott, modified, available on the Droit romain database, <https://droitromain.univ-grenoble-alpes.fr/>, last accessed 9 December 2022.

²⁶ Codex ix.13.1.1f (Krueger edn, ii. 378).

²⁷ ‘non adulterare, non rapere’: Jerome, Commentarii in epistulam ad Galatas i, Galatians ii. 16a, in S. Hieronymi presbyteri opera. pars i, opera exegetica viii: commentarii in epistulam Pauli apostoli ad Galatas, ed. G. Raspanti, Corpus Christianorum Series Latina lxxA, Turnhout 2006, 60; ‘rapere, adulterare’: Isidore, Etymologiae vi.19; ‘adulterorum itemque raptorum’: Codex Theodosianus xi.36.7.

²⁸ Among the many sources see Ian Donaldson, The rapes of Lucretia: a myth and its transformations, Oxford 1982, 21–39 (on Augustine and his influence on subsequent writers).

²⁹ See Tornau, Christian, ‘Augustins Plädoyer für die Keuschheit der Vergewaltigten: die argumentative Struktur von ciu. 1’, in his Zwischen Rhetorik und Philosophie: Augustins Argumentationstechnik in De civitate dei und ihr bildungsgeschichtlicher Hintergrund, Berlin 2006, 156–203Google Scholar. On Lucretia see pp. 182–4, 189–94.

³⁰ Augustine, Civitate i.19, in Sancti Aurelii Augustini episcopi de civitate dei, ed. B. Dombart, A. Kalb and J. Divjak, 5th edn, Stuttgart 1993, i. 32 lines 22–5; i. 33 lines 3–7; trans. slightly modified of Augustine, The city of God against the pagans, ed. and trans. George McCracken, Cambridge, Ma 1957, i. 87–9. He is far more willing to defend the pudicitia of raped Christians and argues that perhaps sexual violence does not occur without some pleasure on the part of the victim, ‘quod fieri fortasse sine carnis aliqua voluptate non potuit': De civitate dei i.16 (Dombart, Kalb and Divjak edn, 28 lines 16–17): a horrific statement; see Tornau, ‘Augustin's Plädoyer’, 189.

³¹ Saunders, Corinne J., ‘Classical paradigms of rape in the Middle Ages: Chaucer's Lucretia and Philomela’, in Deacy, Susan and Pierce, Karen F. (eds), Rape in antiquity: sexual violence in the Greek and Roman worlds, London 1997, 243–66 at p. 250Google Scholar.

³² I thank Robert Kaster (communication of 31 August 2021) for pointing this out.

³³ Orosius, Historiae ii.4.12, translation modified of Orosius, Seven books of history against the pagans, trans. A. T. Fear, Liverpool 2010, 79–80.

³⁴ I take this point from a comment of Robert Kaster (communication of 4 September 2020). On the warm relationship between Orosius and Augustine see Frend, W. H. C., ‘Orosius’, in A. D. Fitzgerald (ed.), Augustine through the ages: an encyclopedia, Grand Rapids, Mi 1999, 615–17Google Scholar.

³⁵ bavli Sanhedrin 67a: ‘And so they did to be Stada in Lod. And they suspended him on the eve of the Passover. Ben Stada, was he ben Pandera? Rab Hisda said, “the husband was Stada, the lover was Pandera”. Was not the husband Papos ben Yehuda? Rather say, “his mother was Stada”. His mother was Miriam who let women's hair grow long [or ‘braided women's hair’]. As they say in Pumbeditha, “this one turned away [seṭ'at daʾ] from her husband”.’ The translation is a revision of that of Peter Schäfer, Jesus in the Talmud, Princeton 2007, 16. For the original text, see the edition of Adin Steinsalz at <https://www.sefaria.org/Sanhedrin.67a?lang=bi> and Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Codices Hebraici 95 (Paris 1342), fo. 347r, which is available at <https://www.digitale-sammlungen.de/en/view/bsb00003409?page=,1>.

³⁶ Horbury, ‘Critical examination’, 459, 462. On Amulo's knowledge of the Toledot see Amolo, Liber (Herbers-Rauhut edn), pp. xcv–xcvii.

³⁷ See New York Jewish Theological Seminary, ms 8998, fo. 1r, lines 13–16 (a text which assumes Miriam was already engaged). For the translation and text see Michael Meerson and Peter Schäfer (eds), Toledot Yeshu: the life story of Jesus: two volumes and a database, Tübingen 2014, i. 138 (trans.); ii. 60 (text), cf. i. 48 (the manuscript is dated ‘not later than the fifteenth century’). The manuscript is a literal translation of an earlier Aramaic manuscript: CUL, ms T.-S. Misc. 298.56. See Meerson and Schäfer, Toledot Yeshu, i. 25, 28; ii. 58–60 (where both manuscripts are in parallel). On the illegitimacy of Jesus (and Miriam's engagement) see ms 8998, cf. Michael Meerson, ‘Illegitimate Jesus: family matters with “Toledot Yeshu”’, in D. M. Schaps, U. Yiftach and D. Dueck (eds), When West met East: the encounter of Greece and Rome with the Jews, Egyptians and others: studies presented to Ranon Katzoff in honor of his 75th birthday, Trieste 2016, 91–114 at p. 105 (‘the son of a single mother would not have been a bastard’).

³⁸ ‘<Τίς ᾐχμαλώτευσε τὴν παρθένον ἀπ’ ἐμοῦ> καὶ ἐμίανεν αὐτήν; Μήτι ἐν ἐμοὶ ἀνεκεφαλαιώθη <ἡ> ἱστορία <τοῦ Ἀδάμ>; Ὥσπερ γὰρ … ἦλθεν ὁ ὄφις καὶ εὗρεν τὴν Εὔαν μόνην καὶ ἐξηπάτησεν αὐτὴν καὶ ἐμίανεν αὐτήν, οὕτως κἀμοὶ συνέβη.’ (2) Καὶ [καὶ] ἀνέστη Ἰωσὴφ ἀπὸ τοῦ σάκκου καὶ ἐκάλεσεν αὐτὴν καὶ εἶπεν αὐτῇ⋅ ‘Μεμελημένη Θεῷ, τί τοῦτο ἐποίησας; Ἐπελάθου Κυρίου τοῦ Θεοῦ σου; Τί ἐταπείνωσας τὴν ψυχήν σου;’: Protoevangelium James xiii.1–2, in La Forme la plus ancienne du protévangile de Jacques, ed. É. de Strycker, Brussels 1961, 124. For a similar use of αἰχμαλωτεύω see Palladius, Historia lausiaca lxxix.3.

³⁹ Cf. Meerson and Schäfer, Toledot Yeshu, i. 48–9. They refer to such a narrative in St Petersburg, RNL EVR 1.274 (Byzantine, 1536), fo. 21v, lines 6, 12. For the translation see Meerson and Schäfer, Toledot Yeshu, i. 155; text ii. 72.

⁴⁰ ומרים הד̇ה מא ילזמהא שי לאנהא מא ערפת אנא ליס זוג̇הא פי ד̇לך אלוקת: CUL, ms T-S NS 298.57, fo. 1v. Text and translation of Goldstein, Miriam, ‘A polemical tale and its function in the Jewish communities of the Mediterranean and the Near East: Toledot Yeshu in Judeo-Arabic’, Intellectual History of the Islamicate World vii (2019), 192–227Google Scholar at pp. 201–2 (who has ‘that Mary’). There is a reproduction of the recto page on p. 227 and the full text and translation is at pp. 220–1. Goldstein dates the manuscript (pp. 193–4) to the eleventh century.

⁴¹ Goldstein, ‘A polemical tale’, 212.

⁴² Eadem, ‘Jesus in Arabic, Jesus in Judeo-Arabic: the origins of the Helene version of the Jewish “life of Jesus” (Toledot Yeshu)’, Jewish Quarterly Review cxi (2021), 83–104, esp. p. 93.

⁴³ See Rubenfeld, Jeb, ‘The riddle of rape-by-deception and the myth of sexual autonomy’, Yale Law Journal cxxii (2013), 1372–443Google Scholar, and Ribson, Matthew, ‘Deceptive sexual relations: a theory of criminal liability’, Oxford Journal of Legal Studies xl (2020), 82–109Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ See Amulo, Liber i (Herbers-Rauhut edn, 2 = PL cxvi.141A) on the dangers of association with Jews.

⁴⁵ ‘Proditum est nobis a quibusdam, qui ex eorum errore ad Christianitatem veniunt': ibid. xlii (Herbers-Rauhut edn, 84 = PL cxvi.170D). See Aurast, Anna, ‘What did Christian authors know about Jews and Judaism? Some remarks based on early medieval evidence’, Millenium: Jahrbuch zu Kultur und Geschichte des ersten Jahrtausends nach Chr. x (2013), 331–47Google Scholar at pp. 339–46.

⁴⁶ ‘persuasus sit ab impiis Christum Dei Filium negare’: Amulo, Liber xlii (Herbers-Rauhut edn, 84–6 = PL cxvi.171B–C). See Heil, Johannes, ‘Agobard, Amolo, das Kirchengut und die Juden von Lyon’, Francia: Forschungen zur westeuropäischen Geschichte xxv (1998), 39–76Google Scholar at pp. 65–76; Hans-Werner Goetz, Die Wahrnehmung anderer Religionen und christlich-abendländisches Selbstverständnis im frühen und hohen Mittelalter (5.–12 Jahrhundert), Berlin 2013, i. 484–6; Schäfer, ‘Agobard's and Amulo's Toledot’, 43–4; Anna Beth Langenwalter, ‘Agobard of Lyon: an exploration of Carolingian-Jewish relations’, unpubl. PhD diss. Toronto 2009, 37–8 (Bodo and his letters); and Riess, Frank, ‘From Aachen to Al-Andalus: the journey of Deacon Bodo (823–76)’, Early Medieval Europe xiii (2005), 131–57Google Scholar at pp. 140–1 n. 13 (about sixty lines of Bodo's are extant in Álvaro's Epistole xiv–xx).

⁴⁷ Annales Bertiniani, anno 839, in Annales de Saint-Bertin, ed. Félix Grat, Jeanne Vielliard and Suzanne Clémencet, Paris 1964, 27–8. Cp. ‘Puato diaconus palatii lapsus est in iudaismo’: Annales Augienses, s.a. 838, ed. G. H. Pertz, MGH, SS, i, Hannover 1826, 68, and ‘Puato diaconus de palatio lapsus est in iudaismum’ (Bodo the deacon of the palace lapsed into Judaism): Annalium Alamannicorum Continuatio Augiensis, s.a. 838 (ibid. 49). The editor notes in the apparatus that the date in the Continuatio for 838 (‘inter octavam et n. h. in v. a. domini’) is wrongly taken from the entry for 840, where it is absent in the manuscript, but it is present in the entry for 840 in the following source (Annales Weingartenses [ibid. 65]) where it refers to an eclipse on 5 May between 8 and 9 am, on the vigil of the Lord's ascension. Cf. ‘Puato diaconus palatii lapsus est in iudaismum’: Annales Weingartenses, s.a. 838 (ibid. 65) and Eclipsis solis 3. Non. Maias inter octavam et novam horam in vigilia ascensionis Domini: Annales Weingartenses, s.a. 840 (ibid. 65). On the chronology and sources see Riess, ‘From Aachen’, 133–40. He misreads the date (5 May; 137) in the Continuatio (ibid. Pertz edn, 49) as that of Bodo's conversion. Cp. Annales Einsidlenses, s.a. 838, ed. G. H. Pertz (MGH, SS iii, 1839), 139; Herman of Reichenhau, Chronicon, s.a. 838, ed. G. H. Pertz (MGH, SS v, 1843) 103; and Marianus Scotus, Chronicon, s.a. 860 (ibid. 550). For some of these references see Goetz, Wahrnehmung, 439.

⁴⁸ Scriptores Muzarabici Saeculi VIII–XI, ed. Juan Gil (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis lxv a), Turnhout 2020, 394 (where I have made use of AI for the base of the Spanish translation). See Garza, Raúl Pozas and García, Abdón Moreno, ‘Una controversia judeo-cristiana del siglo ix: Paulo Álvaro de Córdoba’, Helmántica lii (2001), 75–99Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ ‘Quomodo caro carnem genuit et violata non extitit’: Eleazar apud Álvaro, Epistola 18.11 (Gil edn, 563–4). For comments on the passage see Marcilino Menéndez y Pelayo, Historia de los heterodoxos españoles, I: España romana y visigoda, Madrid 1965, 495, and Blumenkranz, Bernhard, Juifs et chrétiens dans le monde occidental, 430–1096, Paris 1960, 257Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ ‘Et quoniam ore pestifero multa pestifera dicis, dum per virginalia claustra pollutumque meatum propriis laviis obsculasse genitalia adstruis, que inverecunda fronte procax sati‹r›us protulisti, dum matris tue receptacula et sinos internos vulbe, execrabilis, adprobasti’: Álvaro, Epistola 18.11 (Gil edn, 564). [S]atirus and execrabilis (ms C execrabilem) are corrections in ms N (an apograph of a planned edition of ms C). See the translation in Epistolario de Álvaro de Córdoba, trans. Gonzalo del Cerro Calderón and José Palacios Royán, Córdoba 1997, 156. Eleazar (Álvaro, Epistola 16.3 [Gil edn, 539–41]) apparently argued that alma in Isaiah vii.14 meant ‘adulescentulam vel iubenculam’ (young woman or young girl) and not ‘virgo’ (virgin).

⁵¹ Evina Steinová, ‘The correspondence of Bodo-Eleazar with Pablo Alvaro: a rare sample of Judeo-Christian dispute from the 9th century’, Canonicity and Authority (2010), 1–37 at p. 18.

⁵² On the ‘anonymous inquisitor [called superstitiosus by the copyist of N]’ and his mutilation of ms C see Scriptores Muzarabici Saeculi VIII–XI (Gil edn), 394–5.

⁵³ For a compact summary of Jewish anti-Christian polemical texts (which he numbers in the hundreds) see Philippe Bobichon, ‘La Littérature de controverse entre Christianisme et Judaïsme (iie–xvie siècles): description du corpus et réflexions méthodologiques’, Revue d'histoire eccléstiaque cvii (2012), 5–48. See also Samuel Krauss, The Jewish-Christian controversy: from the earliest times to 1789, I: History, ed. and rev. William Horbury, Tübingen 1996.

⁵⁴ Daniel J. Lasker and Sarah Stroumsa, The polemic of Nestor the priest: Qiṣṣat Mujādalat al-Usquf and Sefer Nestor Ha-Komer: introduction, annotated translations and commentary, Jerusalem 1996, i. 19 (date of composition and provenance), cf. i. 25–6 on the different redactions of the Qiṣṣa. See also Bobichon, ‘La Littérature’, 7, 42, and Krauss and Horbury, Controversy, 236–8.

⁵⁵ תקול אן לי אלאה סכן פי אלאחשא ופי וסך̇ אלחיצ̇̈ה וצ̇יק אלבטן ואלט̇למה̇: Qiṣṣa 5: Lasker and Stroumsa, Polemic, i. 53 (trans.); ii. 28 (text).

⁵⁶ Lasker and Stroumsa, Polemic, i. 27–8.

⁵⁷ וחלילה לומר כי האלהים שכן ברחם בטינוף הבטן ובעוצר הנידות והאופל והחושך: Sefer 5: Lasker and Stroumsa, Polemic, i. 98 (trans.); ii. 95 (text). See Krauss and Horbury, Controversy, 237.

⁵⁸ פאד̇א מרים תשהד אן יוסף זוג̇הא ואן מנה חבלת: Qiṣṣa 77: Lasker and Stroumsa, Polemic, i. 67 (trans.); ii. 52 (text.) Cp. Qiṣṣa 80 (Lasker and Stroumsa, Polemic, i. 68 [trans.]; ii. 53 [text]).

⁵⁹ Sefer 77: Lasker and Stroumsa, Polemic, i. 114 (trans.); ii. 102 (text). Cp. Sefer 80 (Lasker and Stroumsa, Polemic, i. 114 (trans.); ii. 103 (text)).

⁶⁰ Lasker and Stroumsa, Polemic, i. 28.

⁶¹ The book of the covenant of Joseph Kimḥi, trans Frank Talmage, Toronto 1972, 9; cf. Krauss and Horbury, Controversy, 91, 222.

⁶² ואיך אאמין באל הגדול נעלם ונכסה שנכנס בבטן אישה במעי נקובה מטונפים מוסרחים בלא צורך בהכרח ובאלוהים חיים שיהיה ילוד אישה ילד בלי דעה והשכל ופתי לא ידע בין ימינו לשמאלו עושה צואה ומשתין ויונק משדי אמו מרעב וצמא ובוכה בעת צימאונו ואמו חומלת עליו: F. Talmage, The Book of the covenant and other writings, Jerusalem 1974 [Hebrew], 29 (text); 36 (trans.). For Jewish polemic of this period against the incarnation see Lasker, Daniel J., Jewish philosophical polemics against Christianity in the Middle Ages, New York 1977, 107Google Scholar.

⁶³ On the Toledot's role in ‘Carolingian conversions to Judaism’ see William Horbury, ‘The Strasburg text of the Toledot’, in Schäfer, Meerson and Deutsch, Toledot Yeshu … revisited, 49–60, esp. p. 58, with ref. to Blumenkranz, Juifs et chrétiens, 169–71, 258.