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Authoritarian Inheritance, Political Conflict and Conservative Party Institutionalisation: The Cases of Chile and Brazil

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 October 2021

André Borges*
Affiliation:
Associate Professor, University of Brasília
*
*Corresponding author. Email: andrebor75@gmail.com

Abstract

Party development in post-transition Latin America has often proceeded unevenly, as right-wing elites opted for non-partisan forms of political action and conservative parties remained poorly institutionalised. Recent research has demonstrated that party-building was facilitated where the political Right benefited from valuable political assets – party brand, territorial organisation, sources of funding and clientelistic networks – inherited from authoritarian regimes. This article argues that authoritarian inheritance in isolation is insufficient to foster conservative party institutionalisation. It analyses the trajectories of the major right-wing parties in Brazil and Chile, where former authoritarian incumbents benefited extensively from authoritarian inheritance and yet levels of institutionalisation differed widely across parties. The comparative analysis demonstrates that right-wing parties were most likely to consolidate where, in addition to inheriting valuable resources from the dictatorship, they experienced ideologically driven, violent conflict during their early years.

Spanish abstract

Spanish abstract

El desarrollo de partidos en Latinoamérica posterior a la transición con frecuencia ha procedido de forma desigual, en la medida en que las élites derechistas optaron por formas no partidistas de acción política y los partidos conservadores permanecieron pobremente institucionalizados. Investigaciones recientes han demostrado que la construcción partidaria fue facilitada cuando organizaciones de derecha se beneficiaron de valiosos recursos políticos − tradición partidaria, organización territorial, fuentes de financiamiento y redes clientelares − heredados por los regímenes autoritarios. Este artículo señala que la herencia autoritaria por sí sola es insuficiente para nutrir la institucionalización de partidos conservadores. Analiza las trayectorias de los principales partidos de derecha en Brasil y Chile, donde antiguos gobiernos autoritarios se beneficiaron extensamente de la herencia autoritaria y aun así los niveles de institucionalización fueron muy diferentes entre los partidos. El análisis comparativo demuestra que los partidos derechistas tenían mayor probabilidad de consolidarse donde, además de la herencia de recursos valiosos de la dictadura, experimentaron violentos conflictos de motivación ideológica durante sus primeros años.

Portuguese abstract

Portuguese abstract

O desenvolvimento partidário no período pós-transição na América Latina tem frequentemente ocorrido de maneira desigual, pois as elites de direita optaram por formas não partidárias de ação política e os partidos conservadores se institucionalizaram de maneira limitada. Pesquisas recentes demonstraram que a construção partidária foi facilitada quando a direita política pôde se beneficiar de valiosos ativos políticos – marca partidária, organização territorial, fontes de financiamento e redes clientelistas – herdados de regimes autoritários. Este artigo argumenta que a herança autoritária, por si só, é insuficiente para fomentar a institucionalização de partidos conservadores. São analisadas as trajetórias dos principais partidos de direita no Brasil e no Chile, onde antigos governos autoritários se beneficiaram amplamente da herança autoritária e ainda assim os níveis de institucionalização diferiram amplamente entre os partidos. A análise comparativa demonstra que os partidos de direita tiveram maior probabilidade de se consolidar onde, além de herdar recursos valiosos da ditadura, vivenciaram conflitos ideológicos violentos durante seus primeiros anos.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Author(s), 2021. Published by Cambridge University Press

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87 The first democratic congressional elections occurred in 1986 in Brazil and in 1989 in Chile. Brazil's lower-chamber elections are always held in even years and Chile's elections in odd years.

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98 Rosenblatt, Party Vibrancy and Democracy in Latin America, p. 105.

99 Albert Fishlow, ‘A Tale of Two Presidents: The Political Economy of Crisis Management’, in Stepan (ed.), Democratizing Brazil; Juan Andrés Fontaine, ‘Transición económica y política en Chile: 1970–1990’, Estudios Públicos, 50 (Autumn 1993), pp. 229–79.

100 Brazil's GDP increased at a yearly average rate of 6.3 per cent between 1964 and 1984 and, during most of the period, growth rates were positive and above 4 per cent (www.ipeadata.gov.br). In the case of Chile there was substantial volatility in growth rates, and the average performance was significantly worse: an average 2.6 per cent growth from 1974 to 1989. Ricardo French-Davis and Oscar Muñoz, ‘Desarrollo económico, inestabilidad y desequilibrios políticos en Chile: 1950–89’, Colección estudios CIEPLAN, No. 28, 1990, pp. 121–56.

101 While comparing these figures, one should note that the development of RN's brand likely reflects the party's connection to the National Party, and not only association with Pinochetismo, as already mentioned earlier in the article.

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