1 Tyner, James A., From rice fields to killing fields: Nature, life and labor under the Khmer Rouge (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2017), p. 49CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

2 Ayres, David, Anatomy of a crisis: Education, development, and the state in Cambodia, 1953–98 (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2000), p. 92Google Scholar.

3 Tyner, From rice fields to killing fields, p. 50. Lon Nol was unaware of the scale of this increase, however.

4 Ibid., p. 54.

5 Shawcross, William, Sideshow: Nixon, Kissinger and the destruction of Cambodia (NY: Harper & Row, 1980), pp. 272, 297Google Scholar.

6 David Chandler and Craig Etcheson both give comprehensive introductions to Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge: Chandler, David, A history of Cambodia (Boulder, CO: Westview, 2007)Google Scholar; Etcheson, Craig, The rise and demise of Democratic Kampuchea (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1984)Google Scholar. Ben Kiernan argues convincingly that the primary reason for the KR's rise to power was the effect of the US carpet bombing in The Pol Pot regime: race, power, and genocide in Cambodia (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2008), p. 25.

7 Tyner, From rice fields to killing fields, p. 58.

8 Ibid., p. 195.

9 Studzinsky, Silke, ‘Neglected crimes: The challenge of raising sexual and gender-based crimes before the ECCC’, in Gender in transitional justice, ed. Buckley-Zistel, Susanne and Stanley, Ruth (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), pp. 90–91Google Scholar.

10 Hinton, Alexander L., Why did they kill? Cambodia in the shadow of genocide (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2005), p. 127Google Scholar.

11 Kiernan, Ben, Genocide and resistance in Southeast Asia (London: Transaction, 2009), p. 73Google Scholar.

12 Staub, Ervin, The roots of evil: The origins of genocide and other group violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009)Google Scholar.

13 Osman, Ysa, The Cham rebellion: Survivors’ stories from the villages (Phnom Penh: DC-CAM, 2006), pp. 67–8Google Scholar.

14 Nicolas Weber, ‘The Cham diaspora in Southeast Asia: Patterns of historical, political, social and economic development’, in Vietnam's ethnic and religious minorities, ed. Thomas Engelbert (Oxford: Peter Lang, 2016), pp. 157, 183.

15 Extraordinary Chambers of the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC), Phnom Penh, ‘Transcript of trial proceedings, Case 002/02’, 9 Feb. 2016, trial day 369, E1/388.1, pp. 42–4 (henceforth: T/388.1).

16 Weber, ‘Cham diaspora’, pp. 164–5; Alberto Pérez-Pereiro, ‘Historical imagination, diasporic identity and Islamicity among the Cham of Cambodia’ (PhD diss., Arizona State University, 2012), pp. 32–9.

17 Weber, ‘Cham diaspora’, p. 164; Pérez-Pereiro, ‘Historical imagination’, p. 32; Mohammed Musa, ‘History of education among the Cambodian Muslims’, Malaysian Journal of History, Politics and Strategic Studies 38, 1 (2011): 83; Mathieu Guérin, ‘Les Cam et leur “veranda sur La Mecque”’, Aséanie 14 (2004): 30.

18 Nicolas Weber, ‘Les Cam et les Malais du Cambodge et de Cochinchine vus par les archives coloniales’, Archipel 85 (2013): 117–34.

19 William Noseworthy, ‘Articulations of Southeast Asian religious modernisms: Islam in early 20th century Cambodia and Cochinchina’, Suvannabhumi: Multi-Disciplinary Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 9, 1 (2017): 111.

20 Philipp Bruckmayr, ‘The changing fates of the Cambodian Islamic manuscript tradition’, Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 10, 1 (2019): 2.

21 Frances Bradley, Forging Islamic power and place: The legacy of Shayk Da'ud bin ‘Abd Allah al-Fatani in Mecca and Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2016), p. 115.

22 Kiernan, Pol Pot, p. 254.

23 Bruckmayr, ‘Changing fates’, p. 2.

24 Philipp Bruckmayr, ‘Cambodian Muslims, transnational NGOs, and international justice’, Peace Review 27, 3 (2015): 342; Ian Harris, Cambodian Buddhism: History and practice (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2008), p. 146.

25 Pérez-Pereiro, ‘Historical imagination’, p. 41; Musa, ‘History of education’, p. 94.

26 Stefan Ehrentraut, ‘Perpetually temporary: Citizenship and ethnic Vietnamese in Cambodia’, in Ethnic and racial minorities in Asia: Inclusion or exclusion?, ed. Michelle Miller (Oxford: Routledge, 2012), p. 32; William Collins, ‘The Cham of Cambodia’, Interdisciplinary Research on Ethnic Groups in Cambodia, final draft reports (Phnom Penh: Centre for Advanced Study, 1996), p. 48.

27 Noseworthy, ‘Articulations’, p. 124.

28 Ibid., pp. 124–5.

29 Noseworthy, ‘Lowland participation in the irredentist “Highlands Liberation Movement” in Vietnam, 1955–1975’, Austrian Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 6, 1 (2013): 24.

30 Noseworthy, ‘Articulations’, p. 115.

31 Ysa Osman, Oukoubah: Justice for the Cham Muslims under the DK regime (Phnom Penh: DC-CAM, 2002), p. 119.

32 Kiernan has a comprehensive analysis of mortality figures: see Kiernan, Genocide and resistance, p. 273. See also Tallyn Gray, ‘Re-imagining the community? Cambodian Cham Muslims: Experience, identity, intergenerational knowledge transfer and the ECCC’, South East Asia Research 23, 1 (2015): 102.

33 Catherine Barnes, ‘Beyond conflict: The structure and purposes of genocide in the 20th century’ (PhD diss., George Mason University, 1994), p. 532; Mohamad Zain bin Musa, ‘Malay and Cham relations within the Kingdom of Cambodia during and after the French Protectorate period’, Journal of the Malaysian Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society 74, 2, 281 (2001): 1.

34 Barnes, ‘Beyond conflict’, p. 532. While most Cham also spoke Khmer, using Cham, Malay or Arabic words and language in addition to Khmer became a shibboleth.

35 As stated by Barnes, ‘Beyond conflict’, p. 532, verified by Ke Pauk, DK deputy military commander: ‘you must destroy the Cham … because they are all traitors’: ECCC, T/354.1, p. 75.

36 ECCC, T/415.1, pp. 69–71; Ysa Osman, ‘The Cham prisoners in Khmer Rouge's secret prison’, Jebat: Malaysian Journal of History, Politics and Strategic Studies 32 (2005): 102. Also known as ‘The Plan for Progressive Cooperatives’.

37 ECCC, T/344.1, p. 74. Blue and white krama were worn by Cham in the Eastern Zone.

38 Mervyn Jaspan, ‘Cambodian Cham: Rokaa-General Evaluation (2) & (3)’, typescript, 19 Dec. 1966, Hull History Centre, Jaspan Papers, DJA (2)/1/3.

39 ECCC, T/255.1, pp. 51–2, 61; T/342.1, p. 61; T/343.1, p. 65; T/350.1, pp. 52–3.

40 Language: ECCC, T/343.1, p. 83; T/393.1, pp. 7, 18, 62. Mosques: ECCC, T/350.1, p. 75; T/371.1, p. 92. Religious leaders: ‘Case 002 Closing Order’, ECCC doc. D427, 14 Feb. 2010, para. 211.

41 ECCC, T/371.1, p. 92. The Case 002 indictment refers to ‘forced marriage’ as the ‘regulation of marriage’, and is included in the Case under ‘other inhumane acts’. These terms have been criticised by scholars including Silke Studzinsky for not taking the gravity of these crimes into account. For readability, this article will refer to such crimes as ‘forced marriage’.

42 ECCC, T/371.1, p. 46; T/421.1, p. 27; T/427.1, p. 101; A great deal of scholarly literature exists on forced marriage under the DK regime. See for example, Sokhym Em, ‘Revolutionary female medical staff in Trak Kam district’, Magazine of DC-CAM, 35, Nov. 2002, pp. 17–19; Nakagawa Kasumi, Gender-based violence during the Khmer Rouge regime: Stories of survivors from Democratic Kampuchea (Phnom Penh: Cambodia, 2008); Ben Kiernan and Chanthou Boua, Peasants and politics in Kampuchea, 1942–1981 (London: Zed, 1982).

43 Alison Barclay and Beini Ye, ed., Report on the proceedings of the 2011 Women's Hearing on Sexual Violence under the KR (Phnom Penh: Cambodian Defenders Project, 2012), pp. 3–4.

44 Royal Government of Cambodia, ‘Law on the establishment of the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia for the prosecution of crimes committed during the period of Democratic Kampuchea’, revised 26 Aug. 2007, article 1. The ECCC was dissolved in 2022.

45 ECCC, ‘Case 002 Closing Order’, paras. 1426, 1429.

46 Maria van Haperen, ‘The Rwandan genocide’, in The Holocaust and other genocides, ed. Barbara Boender and Wichert ten Have (Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2012), p. 112; Annie Pohlman, ‘Janda PKI: Stigma and sexual violence against communist widows following the 1956–66 massacres in Indonesia’, Indonesia and the Malay World 44, 128 (2016): 68–83.

47 Nicole Rafter, Crime of all crimes: Towards a criminology of genocide (New York: New York University Press, 2016), pp. 165–6.

48 Peter Manning, ‘Justice, reconciliation, and memorial politics in Cambodia’ (PhD diss., London School of Economics, 2014), p. 109.

49 ECCC, T/389.1, pp. 1–2.

50 A record of transcripts used in this article is contained in Appendix A, alongside complementary French and Khmer Evidence Reference Numbers.

51 See: Keith Gilyard, ed., Race, rhetoric, and composition (Portsmouth: Boynton/Cook, 1999), p. 4.

52 ECCC, ‘Nuon Chea Closing Brief’, doc. E457/6/3, 2 May 2017, paras. 712–4.

53 ECCC, ‘Judgement, Case 002/02’, doc. E465, 16 Nov. 2018, para. 3193.

54 ECCC, T/415.1, pp. 13, 59. Those who testified at the ECCC were not required to take an oath, but were required ‘to tell the truth that you know’.

55 Ibid., pp. 69–71.

56 Nicholas Koumjian, ‘Press Release: Statement by the international co-prosecutor Nicholas Koumjian regarding case file 003’. ECCC court documents, 4 Nov. 2014, http://www.eccc.gov.kh/sites/default/files/media/ECCC%20OCP%2024%20Apr%202014%20%28En%29.pdf (accessed 1 May 2020). Also see Cassie Powell, ‘“You have no god”: An analysis of the prosecution of genocidal rape in international criminal law’, Richmond Public Interest Law Review 20, 1 (2017).

57 Pérez-Pereiro, ‘Historical imagination’, pp. 8, 230, 232.

58 Farina So, The hijab of Cambodia: Memories of Cham Muslim women after the KR (Phnom Penh: DC-CAM, 2011), p. 2; Judith Strasser, Thida Kim, Silke Studzinsky and Sopheap Taing, A study about victims’ participation at the ECCC and GBV under the KR regime (Phnom Penh: Transcultural Psychosocial Organisation, 2015), p. 34; Rafter, Crime of all crimes, p. 199; Theresa de Langis, ‘Speaking private memory to public power: Oral history and breaking the sexual and gender-based violence Khmer Rouge genocide’, in Beyond women's words: Feminisms and the practices of oral history in the twenty-first century, ed. Katrina Srigley, Stacey Zembrzycki and Franca Lacovetta (Abingdon: Routledge, 2018), pp. 155–69.

59 Rafter, Crime of all crimes, p. 199.

60 Strasser et al., A study, p. 35.

61 De Langis, ‘Speaking private memory’, p. 161.

62 David Chandler, Brother Number One: A political biography (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1999), p. 6; Karl Jackson, ‘The ideology of total revolution’, in Cambodia 1975–1979: A rendezvous with death, ed. Karl Jackson (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 37; Elizabeth Becker, When the war was over: Cambodia and the Khmer Rouge revolution (New York: PublicAffairs, 1989), p. 85.

63 Tyner, From rice fields to killing fields, p. 11.

64 Kiernan, ‘External and indigenous sources of Khmer Rouge ideology’, in The Third Indochina War: Conflict between China, Vietnam and Cambodia, 1972–79, ed. Odd Westad and Sophie Quinn-Judge (Abingdon: Routledge, 2006), p. 201.

65 ‘Case 002 Closing Order’, para. 18.

66 Hinton, Why did they kill?, p. 25; Gina Chon and Sambath Thet, Behind the killing fields: A Khmer Rouge leader and one of his victims (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010); Ian Harris, Buddhism in a dark age: Cambodian monks under Pol Pot (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2013), p. 7; Philip Short, Pol Pot: Anatomy of a nightmare (New York: Henry Holt, 2004).

67 Pérez-Pereiro, ‘Historical imagination’, pp. 8, 137–8, 223.

68 Rafter, Crime of all crimes, pp. 22, 166. Rafter's recent study compares eight genocides in the 20th century, applying criminological theories to genocide, with the key argument that women ‘are destroyed’ as a group in genocide.

69 United Nations, ‘Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide, December 1948’.

70 ECCC, ‘Case 002 Closing Order’, para. 1339.

71 More generally, the Khmer Rouge intended to completely restructure society and the economy, using genocide to achieve this. See Amy E. Randall, ‘Introduction: Gender and Genocide Studies’, in Genocide and gender in the twentieth century: A comparative survey, ed. Amy E. Randall (London: Bloomsbury, 2015), pp. 1–24.

72 Annie Pohlman describes the abuse of PKI's women in Indonesia (1965–66) as ‘violence against an entire community’. Pohlman, Women, sexual violence and the Indonesian killings of 1965–66 (Abingdon: Routledge, 2015), p. 32.

73 Jess Melvin, The army and the Indonesian genocide (Abingdon: Routledge, 2018); Rafter, The crime of all crimes.

74 Quoted in Candice D. Ortbals and Lori M. Poloni-Staudinger, Gender and political violence (Cham: Winger, 2018), p. 96; Rafter, Crime of all crimes, p. 170.

75 A DK report cited by Philipp Bruckmayr mentioned 150,000 Cham in the Eastern Zone in 1975, but it is hard to find a reliable figure for surviving Cham by 1979 in the Zone, not least because the DK Zones did not exist before 1975. However, because the death toll was highest in the Eastern Zone, and on the evidence that the Cham were particularly targeted across the country, it seems fair to assume the same, if not a higher death rate among this group. Philipp Bruckmayr, ‘The Cham Muslims of Cambodia: From forgotten minority to focal point of Islamic internationalism’, American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 23, 3 (2006): 4.

76 ECCC, T/17.1, pp. 79, 97–8.

77 Quoted by Pérez-Pereiro, ‘Historical imagination’, p. ii; Joel Brinkley, Cambodia's curse: The modern history of a troubled land (New York: PublicAffairs, 2011), p. 211; Gray, ‘Re-imagining the community?’, p. 105; Joachim Schliesinger, Ethnic groups of Cambodia, vol. III (Bangkok: White Lotus, 2011), p. 30.

78 On the discomfort of many Cham tasked with tending swine: ECCC, T/350.1, pp. 15–16, 52–3, 62: One survivor testifies that a ‘celebration’ was held by KR cadres, where they killed a pig and cooked it in a curry soup. She states, ‘that day I had to force myself to eat pork in order to survive, to make them believe I was not a Cham person’. Because ‘Khmer Islam’ could count as ‘Khmer’, as long as the person being married was not ‘Cham Islam’, they could marry someone who was actually Malay or Cham, or even join the communist secular vision, according to the Angka vision. See Noseworthy, ‘Articulations’.

79 ECCC, T/349.1, p. 63; T/375.1, pp. 66–7; Qur'an 49: 11.

80 ECCC, T/343.1, p. 72: ‘If we opposed any of the principles the regime imposed, we would be accused of being an enemy of Angka.’ It is worth noting that some Cham participated in the regime; see Osman, Cham rebellion, p. 4.

81 So, Hijab of Cambodia, p. 55.

82 ECCC, ‘Judgement, Case 002’, para. 1093.

83 The regime also opposed ‘Khmer Islam’ although not as strongly. Whether or not ‘Khmer Islam’ was acceptable varied, and depended on individual cases; one transcript details a co-operative chief in the Central Zone forcing a man to eat pork ‘because he knew I was Khmer Islam’. See ECCC, ‘Judgement, Case 002/02’, para. 3249.

84 Gray, ‘Re-imagining the community?’, p. 105.

85 ECCC, T/342.1, pp. 60–61.

86 Gray, ‘Re-imagining the community?’, p. 105; Bruckmayr, ‘Cambodian Muslims’, p. 338.

87 ECCC, T/342.1, p. 76. The separation and removal of children from parents falls under a different category under the UN Genocide Convention, and despite being most explicitly tied to ‘sterilisation, forced education, and separation of children from parents’, is included in the above list as one of the methods the DK regime used to ‘smash’ the Cham.

88 Daniel J. Goldhagen, Hitler's willing executioners: Ordinary Germans and the Holocaust (New York: Knopf, 1996), p. 416.

89 Quoted by Mike Hayes, ‘Review of Why did they kill?’, American Journal of Sociology 110, 6 (2006): 1816; Hinton, Why did they kill?, pp. 27, 127.

90 Hinton, Why did they kill?, p. 25.

91 Ibid., p. 31. My brackets.

92 Rafter, Crime of all crimes, p. 108.

93 Ibid., p. 118.

94 Eve Zucker, Forest of struggle: Moralities of remembrance in upland Cambodia (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2015), p. 63.

95 De Langis, ‘Speaking private memory’, p. 161.

96 Partnership Against Domestic Violence, online: ‘Chbab Proh’, http://carpediemilia.over-blog.com/article-22410350.html (last accessed 2 May 2020). A translated copy of the Chbab Srei is available online: Jamie Lambo, ‘Chbab Srey’, Cambodia expats online, http://cambodiaexpatsonline.com/cambodian-culture-and-language/chbab-srey-code-and-conduct-for-khmer-women-t5014.html#p74365 (last accessed 4 May 2020).

97 Two varieties of the Cham script. The Muk Sruh Palei is also known as Kaboun Mok Sros in Cambodia. Philipp Bruckmayr, Cambodia's Muslims and the Malay World (Leiden: Brill, 2019), p. 95.

98 Bruckmayr, ‘Changing fates’, p. 10; Po Dharma, ‘Hommes et femmes au Panduranga’, in Nguyen The Anh and Alain Forest, ed., Notes sur la culture et la religion en péninsule Indochinoise (Paris: L'Harmattan, 1995), pp. 205–12.

99 Dato’ Tengku Alaudin Majid and Po Dharma, eds, Adat perpatih Melayu-Champa (Kuala Lumpur: Kementerian Kebudayaan, Kesenian dan Pelancongan; EFEO, 1994), p. 64.

100 Philip Taylor, Cham Muslims of the Mekong Delta: Place and mobility in the cosmopolitan periphery (Abingdon: Marston, 2007), pp. 172, 214.

101 Siti Nor Awang, ‘Kinship and modernisation: An analysis of a Cham community of east coast peninsular Malaysia’ (PhD diss., Hull University, 2010), p. 132; Man Thi Jones, ‘An overview of the matrilineal society of Champa with particular emphasis on the matrilineal customs of Cham peoples’, in Tengku Alaudin and Po Dharma, Adat perpatih Melayu-Champa, pp. 63–72.

102 Studzinsky, ‘Neglected crimes’, p. 90.

103 For a thorough translation of the Chbab Proh, see Dr Mai, online: ‘Chbab Proh’, Partnership Against Domestic Violence Cambodia, http://carpediemilia.over-blog.com/article-22410350.html (last accessed 1 May 2020).

104 Taylor, Cham Muslims, p. 29.

105 Nancy Smith-Hefner, Khmer-American: Identity and moral education in a diasporic community (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), p. 107.

106 Youk Chhang, ‘Letter: The sixth code of conduct’, Magazine of the Documentation Center of Cambodia 15 (Mar. 2001), p. 1.

107 Ibid.

108 Hinton, Why did they kill?, p. 31.

109 Kosal Path and Angeliki Kanavou, ‘Converts, not ideologues? The KR practice of thought reform in Cambodia, 1975–1978’, Journal of Political Ideologies 20, 3 (2015): 306.

110 ECCC, T/428.1, p. 66.

111 Ibid., p. 68.

112 ECCC, T/282.1, p. 53.

113 Osman, Cham rebellion, p. 119. The ECCC judgement corroborates this: ‘Judgement, Case 002’, paras. 3232–6.

114 ECCC, T/350.1, p. 13.

115 Ibid., p. 14.

116 Ibid., p. 12.

117 ECCC, T/375.1, p. 65.

118 Ibid., pp. 40, 69–70.

119 Rafter, Crime of all crimes, pp. 170–73.

120 ECCC, T/350.1, pp. 56–7.

121 Ibid., p. 68.

122 Osman, Cham rebellion, pp. 138–41.

123 Haing Ngor, A Cambodian odyssey (New York: Macmillan, 1987), p. 159.

124 See Qur'an, verses 16:126, ‘harm them to the measure you were harmed’, and 3:131: ‘Allah alone can punish by fire’.

125 Hinton, Why did they kill?, p. 79; Barnes, ‘Beyond conflict’, p. 49. It is worth noting that although the Cham were stereotyped as being a ‘supposedly elite’ threat, as Hinton puts it, at times they could in fact be considered elite, as a proportion within Cambodian society. Cham were involved in money-lending, and the clothing and the fine cloth trade, had connections to Châu Đốc and Tây Ninh in Vietnam, to Kelantan in Malaysia, and to Bangkok in Thailand. Indeed, many Cham Muslims had the royal-bestowed title ‘Neak Oknha’, with a price tag today of US$500,000.

126 Hinton, Why did they kill?, p. 79.

127 Osman, Oukoubah, p. 85.

128 ECCC, online: ‘Forced marriage’, https://www.eccc.gov.kh/en/node/33817 (last accessed 3 May 2020); ‘Case 002 Closing Order’, para. 842. Forced marriages were applied to all groups in DK society.

129 Andaya, Barbara, The flaming womb: Repositioning women in early modern Southeast Asia (Honolulu: University of Hawai‘i Press, 2006), p. 205Google Scholar.

130 Pérez-Pereiro, ‘Historical imagination’, p. 77; Ross, Russell, Cambodia: A country study (Washington, DC: GPO, 1990), p. 101Google Scholar.

131 ECCC, T/334.1, p. 57.

132 ECCC, T/296.1, pp. 20–21.

133 Bruckmayr, Cambodia's Muslims, p. 364.

134 It was also possible for Cham–Cham, Cham–Malay, or marriages between Cham and/or other groups within Muslim communities (including Khmer Islam, Thai Muslims in Battambang, and South Asians) to occur.

135 Kasumi, ‘Gender-based violence’, p. 13. There was, however, a strong pro-natalist element to DK policy.

136 ECCC, T/350.1, pp. 15–16.

137 DiGeorgio-Lutz, JoAnn and Gosbee, Donna, Women and genocide: Experience of violence, survival, and resistance (Toronto: Women's Press, 2016), p. 152Google Scholar; Rafter, Crime of all crimes, p. 175.

138 Étienne Aymonier and Antoine Cabaton, Dictionnaire čam-français (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1906), pp. 507–8. ‘Hadiep’ translates as epouse (wife), but also vivant (to live, masculine).

139 ECCC, T/361.1, pp. 93–4.

140 ECCC, T/296.1, p. 21.

141 ECCC, T/412.1, p.4; T/462.1, p. 44.

142 See: ECCC, T/361.1, p. 95; T/375.1, pp. 98–9; T/415.1, pp. 50–51.

143 ECCC, T/297.1, p. 20.

144 ECCC, T/263.1, p. 54; T/411.1, p. 79.

145 ECCC, T/254.1, p. 18.

146 ECCC, ‘Judgement, Case 002/02’, para. 3622.

147 Ehrentraut, ‘Perpetually temporary’, p. 32; Collins, ‘The Cham of Cambodia’, p. 48.

148 Rafter, Crime of all crimes, p. 22.

149 Ibid., p. 96.

150 Ibid., p. 173.

151 ECCC, T/255.1, pp. 51–2, 61; T/342.1, p. 61; T/343.1, p. 65, T/350.1, pp. 52–3.

152 ECCC, T/354.1, p. 77.

153 ECCC, ‘Judgement, Case 002/02’, para. 3290.

154 Rafter, Crime of all crimes, pp. 174–5.

155 ECCC, ‘Judgement, Case 002/02’, para. 3559.