^{page 320 note 1} I must here note what further inquiry has shown me to be an error in my discrimination of the fifty great gods. I treated them as being divided into the twenty-seven Nakshatra, or phases of the moon, which in the Hindu sacred calendar represented the lunar year, the lunar year of thirteen months and the ten months of the year of gestation. This is the division in the Mahābhārata. But I have shown in the Appendix to this essay that the Nakshatra were originally twenty-eight in number, and that they represented the days of the lunar month, and that the twenty-seven Nakshatra used to denote the sacrificial year among the Hindus were only adopted as a measure of the year when the five years cycle reconciling the solar, lunar and sidereal year was formed. There is no evidence that this cycle was ever used in Greece, and consequently the fifty daughters of Endymion and Danaus must mean fifty-one gods including the father, namely, the twenty-eight days of the lunar month, the thirteen months of the lunar year, and the ten months of the year of gestation. These fifty great gods and their father, which include, as I show in the Appendix, Priam and his fifty sons, must have been distributed all over the world long before sun worship and the solar year were introduced, and the interpretation given in the Mahābhārata as to their number only proves that the whole system of measuring time by the moon had been so engrained in the public mind that it was necessary to connect the new solar measurement of time with the older lunar system before the innovation would be accepted by the people and by their priestly guides, whose instincts were essentially and even obstructionally conservative. But both the lunar and solar systems of time measurement took their rise in the Euphrates valley, and from thence penetrated into other countries. Such modifications as were made in those countries where astronomical studies were subsequently pursued principally consisted in endeavours made by adopting cycle measurements to adjust the difference of lunar and solar time.

^{page 322 note 1} Alteration, even when, initiated by Aryan or northern races, who were always Protestants and reformers, was always made in fear and trembling, and, as will be shown in the sequel, the greatest care was taken in these alterations to avoid showing disrespect to the older gods.

^{page 322 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 1. 3. 17. vol. xxvi. p. 16. Except where otherwise specified the numerous references to the Ṣatapatha Brāhmaṇna thoughout this essay will be made to the Series of Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii. containing Kāṇnḍas i. and ii. and vol. xxvi. containing Kāṇḍas iii. and iv. of Prof. Eggeling's translation of that treatise.

^{page 322 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 2. 2. 4. vol. xxvi. p. 37; i. 2. 3. 13. vol. xii. p. 62.

^{page 322 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 1. 2. 13. vol. xii. p. 15; i. 2. 5. 7. vol. xii. p. 60; i. 9. 3. 9. vol. xii. p. 268.

^{page 323 note 1} See with reference to these remarks the narrative given later on showing how the Acchāvāka, the priests of the moon-god, were taken on as assistants in the Soma sacrifice of the Indra worshippers.

^{page 323 note 2} See with reference to the immense importance attached to minute exactness in similar cases Maine's Ancient Law, p. 276, where he says: “An ancient conveyance was not written but acted. Gestures and looks took the place of written technical phraseology. Any formula mispronounced or symbolical act omitted would have vitiated the proceedings as fatally as a material mistake in stating the uses or setting out the remainders would two hundred years ago have vitiated an English deed.” The king in laying down the law was supposed to be speaking by divine inspiration, and strict attention to details in carrying out a law hallowed by divine sanction was derived from the same feeling as that which made ritualistic exactness necessary.

^{page 325 note 1} Introduced probably by the sons of Kuṣ, called in India the Kuṣsikas, who came into India from the Kabul valley, and who calculated the full lunar year of thirteen months.

^{page 326 note 1} Mommsen, , History of Rome, translated by Dickson, W. P., vol. i. p. 181Google Scholar.

^{page 326 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh, i. 2. 3. 5. vol. xii. p. 49, note 3.

^{page 326 note 3} Ex xiii. 11–14.

^{page 326 note 4} Mommsen, , History of Rome, translated by Dickson, W. P., People's Edition, vol. ii. p. 400Google Scholar.

^{page 327 note 1} Ṣat. Brāil, iii. 8. 1. 15. vol. xxvi. p. 190.

^{page 329 note 1} Max Müller, preface to vol. iv. of his edition of the Rigveda, p. 38.

^{page 329 note 2} See with reference to the mode of reckoning, and history of the ancient year, the Appendix to this essay, where the whole question is fully discussed.

^{page 329 note 3} Ib. p. 58.

^{page 332 note 1} It seems to be doubtful whether the fire-worshippers actually conquered the moon-worshippers. The evidence seems rather to point to a joint government like that of the Northern and Southern Akkadians in the Euphrates valley. The fire-worshippers were apparently the race who introduced the year of thirteen lunar months into India, and who were in the Euphratean country the Northern Akkadian worshippers of the Akkadian deity called by the Semites Adar, who was the original fire-god. They were in India called the sons of Kaṣyapa, and he is in the Zendavesta called Keresāspa, and his kingdom is represented as being in the land of Kabul, to the north-west of India. See Appendix.

^{page 333 note 1} Among the workmen's appliances were two cubit measures, which I measured roughly, one somewhat over 26 inches, and the other about 18 inches. The larger cubit was divided into seven parts or palms, and the smaller into six. Both were apparently of foreign origin, the smaller cubit being about the length of the cubit of Asia Minor, 17·30, and the larger of the Persian cubit, 25·34. The workmen did not seem to use the cubit of 20·63, which is that of the early pyramid builders. If the workmen employed were foreigners, they probably came by sea from Asia Minor. These, of course, represent a state of society which existed in the Euphrates valley, India and Egypt many thousands of years before the date at which these deposits were accumulated.

^{page 334 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 1. 1. 8 and 9, vol. xii. p. 5, and many other places. The same idea appears in the Bible, Levit. xxi. 17 and 22, where the sacrifice is called the bread of God, and also in Levit. iii. 11. where the peace-offering is called “the food of the offering made by fire unto the Lord.”

^{page 335 note 1} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 43Google Scholar.

^{page 335 note 2} Thus Sarasvatī, Idā, and Mahī are river goddesses and ancestors in the Rigveda, and “Tiber, father Tiber to whom the Romans pray,” is another wellknown instance of the deification of rivers. But rivers were first deified by the worshippers of the snake-god, who was the god called Hea by the Akkadians, and became in India Indra, the god of the sanctifying waters.

^{page 335 note 3} This increasing population required to be maintained, and the necessity of providing for their maintenance was one of the great stimulants to progress. It was thus that the early customs of infanticide, abortion, and sterilizing males, stated in the Zendavesta to be hateful to Ashi Vanguhi, the goddess who was patron of married women, were discontinued. Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Yast, Ashi x. 54–59, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii. pp. 280–281Google Scholar. The whole question is further discussed later on in this essay.

^{page 336 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 1. 1. 18, vol. xii. p. 9, and many other places. See especially Aitareya Brāhmaṇa iv. 2 and 3, Haug's translation, p. 327. note, for the description of the manner in which the Ājya (Goat) Shastra, Rig. iii. 13, should he recited, also the Pravargya and Gharma ceremonies, Ait. Brāh. i. 4. 18 and 22, Hang's translation, vol. ii. pp. 48–51. These are said to represent the cohabitation of the gods, and the production from the womb of Agni (the sacred tire) of a new and purer race of gods than the old lunar deities of the Asuras, or snake-worshippers.

All these passages set forth the doctrine of the sacrifice as a reproductive agent in its crudest and most materialistic form.

^{page 337 note 1} Aitareya Brāh. ii. 1. 4, Haug's translation, vol. ii. p. 87; Ṣat. Brāh. i. 5. 3. 9–13, vol. xii. pp. 146, 148. For the meaning of the god of the Svāhā call, which is addressed to Agni Svishtakrit, see Ṣat. Brāh. i. 7. 3. 1–9, vol. xii. pp. 199–202, where it is shown that it was Rudra the phallic god who was thus summoned.

^{page 338 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 5. 3. 1, vol. xii. p. 144.

^{page 338 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 13 and 14, vol. xii. pp. 87–88.

^{page 338 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 14 and 15, vol. xii. p. 88. They were only fire-gods in a metaphorical sense, as representing the differing forms of the creative impulse. They were not originally fire-gods at all.

^{page 338 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 17, vol. xii. p. 89.

^{page 338 note 5} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 4. 5, vol. xii. p. 91.

^{page 338 note 6} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 7, vol. xii. p. 92.

^{page 339 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 5. 3. 9, vol. xii. pp. 146–147.

^{page 339 note 2} See Part II. of this Series, Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society for April, 1889, pp. 212, 298Google Scholar, also p. 265, note 2, where I have shown that the tribes called Asuras in the Brāhmuṇas, from Asari, Akkadian for ‘chief,’ are those known in the Mahābhārata as Virata.

^{page 339 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 5. 3. 10, vol. xii. p. 147.

^{page 340 note 1} Ait. Brāh. ii. 1. 4, Haug's translation, vol. ii. p. 81.

^{page 340 note 2} Ib. ii. 1. 5, p. 84.

^{page 340 note 3} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 309 and 329Google Scholar.

^{page 341 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 1. 10, vol. xii. p. 386, where Savitri the sun-god is called the impeller, i.e. the impulse of the gods. This was the part assigned to the moon-god in the early lunar triad.

^{page 341 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 5. 3. 16, and ii. 4. 3. 10, vol. xii. pp. 149 and 372. In this metaphor creation is regarded as a tree whose top is in heaven and whose roots are in earth, and it is the sap which connects them together. It is the same metaphor as that embodied in the sacred Yggdrasil, the world tree of the northern Eddas.

^{page 342 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 8. 2. 10–13, vol. xii. pp. 233, 234.

^{page 342 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 8. 2. 15, vol. xii. p. 235.

^{page 342 note 3} J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 322Google Scholar.

^{page 343 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 8. 1. 7–9, vol. xii. pp. 218–219.

^{page 343 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 5. 3. 23, vol. xii. p. 151.

^{page 344 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 4. 3. 8–10, vol. xii. p. 372.

^{page 344 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 6. 4. 8–9, vol. xii. p. 177.

^{page 344 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 14, vol. xii. p. 88.

^{page 344 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 6. 2. 2, vol. xxvi. p. 149; Mahābhārata, Ādi Parva, xx.-xxiii.

^{page 344 note 5} This is expressed in a somewhat different form with the same meaning in a quotation made by Dr. Sayce from an Akkadian mythological document which says: “The heaven was made from the waters. The god and goddess create the earth.” According to this cosmogony the waters were the mother of all things. Afterwards water became the father. Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 376Google Scholar.

^{page 344 note 6} Sayce, , Chaldæan Account of Genesis, chap. xvi. p. 280Google Scholar. Mahābhārata, Vana (Markaṇḍeya Samāsya) Parva, clxxxvii. pp. 552–556. Here the god is the sacred fish nurtured by Manu (the thinker), showing that the fish-god was a conception worked out by thought. The Mahābhārata fish-god only warned Manu of the destruction coming, and advised him to build a large ark furnished with a rope, in which Manu and the seven Rishis were saved. He did not order the flood.

^{page 345 note 1} Mahābhārata, Ādi (Sambhava) Parva, lxxv. p. 230.

^{page 345 note 3} Tvacaṁ kṛshṇām, Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, p. 113.

^{page 347 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 7. 2. 1, vol. xxvi. p. 175.

^{page 347 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 8. 2. 11, vol. xii. p. 233.

^{page 347 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 5. 3. 23, vol. xii. p. 151.

^{page 348 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 3. 8, vol. xii. p. 51.

^{page 348 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 7. 3. 1–9, vol. xii. pp. 199–201.

^{page 348 note 3} Böhtlingk-Roth interpret “muni” as “impulse.”

^{page 348 note 4} Part III. Journ. Roy. Asiat. Soc. July, 1889, p. 554Google Scholar. I there said that I thought Muni was the older form. It is from studying the history of the evolution of religious thought that I have come to see that this was a mistake.

^{page 349 note 1} The identity of Rudra with Pūshan is also shown by both being the god of cattle, Ṣat. Brāh. i. 7. 3. 8, vol. xii. p. 201; iii. 1. 4. 9 and 14, vol. xxvi. pp. 22 and 23. Pūshan, whose name is preserved in the month Push or Poos, seems to be the older form.

^{page 349 note 2} Āṣval. Gṛrih. iv. 8 and Pāras. Gṛih. Sūtras iii. 8, pp. 255–259 and 351–353, vol. xxix. Sacred Books of the East, Prof. Oldenberg's translation. In the list of Rudra's names in the Āṣval. Gṛih. Sūtra iv. 8. 19, p. 256, Ṣankara, the name given to Ṣiva in the Mahābhārata, occurs in the same place in the list as that of Mahādeva in the Pāras. Gṛih. iii. 8. 6, p. 352, showing the identity of Ṣiva and Rudra. And the linga, which is the symbol of Ṣiva, leaves no doubt of his being a phallic god.

^{page 350 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. vi. 1. 3. 7, Muir, , Early Sanskrit Texts, vol. iv. pp. 339 seqqGoogle Scholar.

^{page 350 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 6. 1. 20, vol. xii. p. 159.

^{page 350 note 3} ṡat. Brāh. i. 8. 1. 30–35, vol. xii. p. 226, where the object of the sacrifice is said to be the production of offspring and cattle for the sacrificer.

^{page 351 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 5. 7, vol. xii. p. 60; iii. 7. 2. 1, vol. xxvi. p. 175.

^{page 351 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 5. 15, vol. xii. p. 63; iii. 5. 1. 11, vol. xxvi. p. 113.

^{page 351 note 3} Exod. xx. 4.

^{page 352 note 1} This is shown in the bas-relief of the Virāj in the caves of Elephanta.

^{page 352 note 2} This was the god known to the Semite-Akkadians as Adar (Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 151Google Scholar).

^{page 353 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 3. 2, vol. xii. p. 47, note 3. Visvarūpa means of material form, and denotes the materialistic gods.

^{page 353 note 2} Yast, Ābān ix. 34, Sacred Books of the East, Darmesteter', translation, vol. xxiii. p. 61Google Scholar.

^{page 353 note 3} Childers, Pāli Dict., s.v. Tāvatimsa; Part II. of the series, J.R.A.S. April, 1889, p. 302, note 4. But Sakko here may mean Indra, as the old phallic god who undoubtedly ruled the earliest year of the thirty-three gods, that of lunar months of twenty-eight days, and the five seasons.

^{page 353 note 4} The name Ṣiva does not appear in the early sacred writings, where the only name like it is Ṣankara. It is possible that the name may be that of Saiva or Saiv, the protecting deity of the Northern Finns, which Castren says is “ein allgemeines Götter-epithet,” and if so, Ṣiva, like horse-worship, would be one of the numerous importations of the Sākas, which will be noticed further on. See Etruscan Inscriptions of Lemnos, by Brown, R. Jur, p. 23Google Scholar, published in the Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, April, 1888.

^{page 354 note 1} Mahābhārata, Ādi (Sambhava) Parva, lxiii. p. 172.

^{page 354 note 2} J.R.A.S. 07, 1889, p. 681Google Scholar. But the Tamil Tai also appears in the names of the months and Nakshatras in the Taittirīya Brāhmana, i. 5. 1–2. Preface to Max Mūller's edition of Rigveda, vol. iv. pp. 34–35, where Tishya is given as the name of the Nakshatra Pushya, and Taishaḥ as that of the month Paushaḥ or Pūsh.

^{page 354 note 3} Part II. of this series of papers, J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 320Google Scholar. It may here be noted that though none of the names of Ṣiva appear in those of the last month of the year, he really appears under a much older form. The month before Pūsh is Marga in Tamil, and Mṛigasirsha in Hindi. The name means the deer-headed god: this was the gazelle which was sacred to Mul-lil, the original Akkadian moon-god of the phallic triad. It was the sacred gazelle who became the ram, the successor to the Tamil or Dravidian goat, in the signs of the Zodiac, and who became in India Pūshan, Rudra, Ṣankara, and Ṣiva.

^{page 355 note 1} Alberuni's India, Sachau's edition, chap. lxxvi. vol. ii. pp. 179, 182, and 183. The goddess is called by Alberuni Gauri, a name by which she is still known, but her more usual name is Durga or Lakshmi. She is also called Kali and Uma, which last is merely another form of the name Amma or mother, and also Parvati or the mountain goddess. She is also the Amma or mother worshipped under various names by aboriginal tribes such as the goddess Ammakaveri of the Koḍagas of Coorg, Mariamma or Poleramma of the Kuṛus of the Dekkan, Kommalamma and Sarlamma of the Kois or Gonds. See Prof. G. Oppert, On the Original Inhabitants of Bhāratavarsha or India, part ii. pp. 165, 205, and 146.

^{page 356 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 8. 1. 7–11, vol. xii. pp. 218–219.

^{page 356 note 2} Ait. Brāh, i. 5. 8. 28, p. 62, Haug's translation, vol. ii., from Rg. iii. 29. 4. She (Iḍā) is the dividing-line, the Ides of the Roman calendar, from “iduare,” to divide, which formed the middle of the old Roman lunar month, but “which in the solar year happened on different days of the month, sometimes on the 13th and sometimes on the 15th. It is impossible to avoid the conjecture that the Roman Ides, the Greek Ida, the mother mountain, and the Hindu Iḍā, the mother earth, are all intimately connected.

^{page 356 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 8. 1. 19, vol. xii. p. 222.

^{page 356 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 8. 1. 19, vol. xii. p. 222.

^{page 357 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 3. 1. 2–12, vol. xxvi. pp. 59–62.

^{page 357 note 2} These correspond to the three yearly festivals of the Northern Scandinavians. The spring sacrifice (Vaiṣvadeva) to the Midsvetrarblōt or Jōlablōt, held at the time of the winter solstice. The summer sacrifice (Varuna-praghasa) to the Victory sacrifice Sigrblōt, occurring about the middle of April, before the warlike expeditions of the summer. And the autumn sacrifice (Sākamedhaḥ) to the winter sacrifice Vetrarblōt, which took place about the middle of October. St. Olaf, 115, quoted by Chaillu, Du, The Viking Age, vol. i. chap. xx. pp. 344–346Google Scholar.

^{page 358 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 3. 2, vol. xii. pp. 408–409, note 2.

^{page 358 note 2} This is the number sacred to Vishnu, and shows that the ritual of the sacrifice had heen finally arranged by sun-worshipping priests. The sacred number nine commemorates his three victories over the triple triad, the triad of heaven, the old Aryan triad of Varuna, Aryaman and Mitra; the triad of the air; the triad of the Indra-worshippers of heaven, the fertilizing rains and the mother earth, and the triad of the materialistic earth-worshippers of the father, the moon and earth goddesses. See Ṣat. Brāh. i. 9. 3. 9, vol. xii. p. 268, also Part II. of this series, J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 303Google Scholar, where I show that there were only nine Rudras among the thirty-three gods of time in the solar-lunar year of Vishnu.

^{page 358 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 3. 1–20, vol. xii. pp. 408–417.

^{page 359 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 3. 5, vol. xii. p. 410, note 2; Tait. Brāh. i. 6. 6. 6; Kāty. V. 6 3–5. 32–33.

^{page 359 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 3. 17, vol. xii. p. 415.

^{page 360 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 14, vol. xii. p. 88; i. 2. 4. 1. vol. xii. p. 52.

^{page 360 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 4. 4. 14, vol. xxvi. p. 108.

^{page 360 note 3} Or rather perhaps the seven Vasus of the sacred week of the early Indraworshippers, to which the sun-god, the eighth Vasu, was added, thus making the eight Vasus, reckoned among the thirty-three gods in the Brāhmaṇas.

^{page 361 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 3. 17, vol. xii. p. 415, note 3. See also Taīt. Brāh. i. 6. 7. 3.

^{page 361 note 2} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 199–200Google Scholar; Mahābhārata, Udyoga Parva, xcvi.-civ. pp. 300–315. These seven messengers of Anu and the seven Vasus of the moon- and snake-worshipping Hindus were almost certainly the seven days of the week, which I have shown in the Appendix to have been first sanctified by the worshippers of the fire and water-god. The week as a measure of time was, as I have also shown, not reckoned till after the month, or rather perhaps the week was first used as a measure of time by the Sumero-Akkadians in connection with the year of gestation of ten months or forty weeks, a calculation which made forty the sacred number, and which caused the forty days and nights of the sacred rain to be regenerators of the earth at the flood. As this year was, like other Sumero-Akkadian primary institutions, connected with the worship of Hea, the water snake-god, the seven days of the week were consecrated to him first, and afterwards in India to his counterpart Indra, the god of the fertilizing waters. This explains the connection between Indra and the seven Marutah Krīdinaḥ. The weeks do not seem to have been reckoned in the lunar year of thirteen months, but to have come from the earlier year of ten months.

^{page 362 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 4. 3–10, vol. xii. pp. 418–419.

^{page 362 note 2} Ṣat Brāh. ii. 5. 1. 8–17, vol. xii. pp. 386–388. Vaiṣvadeva are the Devas or gods of the country (Viṣ), the indigenous gods; but though called indigenous, the comparison with early indigenous lists shows that several of them were imported at a late period, such as Savitri the sun, Sarasvati the Aryan mother, and, as I shall also show, Pūshan.

^{page 364 note 1} Mr. R. Brown, jun., author of “The Great Dionysiak Myth,” and other learned works on Græco-Akkadian mythology and ethnology, has kindly suggested to me what seems to him to be a probable Akkadian derivation for Pūshan. He thinks it may be derived from pu, meaning ‘marsh, watery element,’ su ‘power,’ and ana ‘god.’ His appearance as the phallic god in these sacrifices, which show everywhere the strongest possible indications of the influence of Indra-worship, is only one of the proofs which specially connects him with this cult. I have further worked out the connection, when treating of the Greek Poseidon. He appears to be the male god of the Haihayas or sons of the fish-god Hea, who exactly answers to the name Pu-su-ana. Further evidence in proof of this conclusion is given by the name Pushkara. This was the name given to the moongoddess by the Indra-worshippers, and is interpreted as meaning the “lady of the divine lotus,” but it also means the maker (kar) of Push, or, in other words, the sacred cow, the mother of the bull Push.

^{page 365 note 1} It seems probable that Savitrī was originally feminine, and meant the sunmaiden. She is certainly a feminine goddess in the beautiful myth telling of the devotion of Savitrī the sun-princess, daughter of Aṣvapati, the lord of horses and king of the Madras, to her husband Satyavān, son of Dyumatsena, the exiled king of the Salwas, and of how, as Orpheus rescued Eurydice, she redeemed her husband from the god of death, by whom his life was taken after they had been married a year. See Mahābhārata, Vana (Pativratā Mahātmya) Farva, ccxcii.-ccxcviii. pp. 864–883.

^{page 366 note 1} Similar triads with the two female goddesses appear in Biblical genealogy and in the Zendavesta. In the Bible as Laniech with his two wives Adah and Zillah. Lamech is, as Dr. Sayce shows, the Semitic equivalent of Lamga, a name which I have identified with the Hindu Linga. Adah and Zillah mean darkness and shade, or the moon-goddess of night and the mother earth. See Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 185–186, note 3 of p. 185, and Part IIIGoogle Scholar. of this series, J.R.A.S. 07, 1889, p. 538Google Scholar. In the Zendavesta the triad is Aẓi Dahāka, the snake-god, and his two wives, Savanghavāch and Erenavāch, who were after the death of the snake-god married by his conqueror Thraētaona. Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Abān Yast, ix. 34, Sacred Hooks of the East, vol. xxiv. p 62, note 2.

^{page 366 note 2} Mitra is the moon-goddess, the god of the heavenly light, Darmesteter's Zendavesta, vol. iv. Sacred Books of the East, Introduction, iv. 8. p. 60. See also Mihir Yast, xxiv. and xxviii. 95 and 112, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. pp. 143 and 148, where, in the first passage, Mithra is said “to go over the earth all her breadth over, after the setting sun touches both ends of this wide round earth,” and in the second he is called “a warrior with the silver helm.”

^{page 366 note 3} Idā is apparently not an Aryan but an Akkadian goddess, connected with the Akkadian Īru, the sacred bull; but the Aryans may have been and probably were the race who made this god and the god of the fire-stick the principal gods of the Northern Akkadians.

^{page 367 note 1} This five-fold sacrifice, representing the year, is continually said in the Brāhmaṇnas to be the oldest form of offering, Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 3. 7 and 8, and i. 7. 2. 8, vol. xii. pp. 51 and 192; iii. 1. 4. 20, vol. xxvi. p. 24.

^{page 367 note 2} The six seasons were the number into which the full lunar year of thirteen months was divided by the southern nations. See Appendix.

^{page 367 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 6. 1. 4–6, vol. xii. p. 421.

^{page 368 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 6. 1. 26, vol. xii. p. 428, note 6, where these prayers are recorded

^{page 368 note 2} Indu means ‘drop’ or ‘sap,’ Müller, Max, Lectures on Science of Language, 2nd series, p. 430, noteGoogle Scholar.

^{page 368 note 3} A different god from the half-phallic god of the Swastika, the self-producing earthly fire.

^{page 369 note 1} Kaushītaki Upanishad, ii. 8, Sacred Books of the East, vol. i. p. 286, note 2.

^{page 370 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 1. 2. 13, vol. xii. p. 15.

^{page 370 note 2} The Sākas are called in this inscription “Ṣaka haumavarza,” i.e. the Ṣakas who prepare the Haoma or Soma, Penka, Origines Ariacæ, p. 137. In the same inscription the Ṣākas are called “tigrakhanda,” that is, having a pointed helmet. This epithet is very like the name Agni Anīkavat, the sharp-pointed fire, which is, as I have shown above, the name of Indra's thunderbolt.

^{page 371 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 2. 1, vol. xii. p. 391. In the North-West of India at the present day the poorer classes all live on barley meal, while the richer eat wheaten cakes. Rice is almost unknown as food.

^{page 371 note 2} See above, p. 366, note 3, but she may have been an Aryan goddess introduced into the Akkadian theology. She is certainly not a snake-god.

^{page 371 note 3} Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Introduction, ii. p. 29, and iv. 3. p. 58, also Fargard xxii. p. 229, vol. iv. Sacred Books of the East. Varuna is the Aryan name of Ahura Mazda, as Prof. Darmesteter points out; but the name Ahura in Ahura Mazda was, as he also shows, once Asura; and Asura points to an Akkadian origin, as also does the name Aryaman, which is evidently connected with the Akkadian Airu ‘the bull.’ But the triad which has its supreme gods in heaven clearly comes from a different source than that which ascribes the supremacy to the phallic god, and it is to the northern nations that its origin must be ascribed.

^{page 371 note 4} Part II. J.R.A.S. for 04, 1889, pp. 190, 198, 215, 270, 295Google Scholar.

^{page 372 note 1} Like the people of the later Bronze age in Europe, Lubbock, , Prehistoric Times. 2nd ed. pp. 49–50Google Scholar. The evidence seems to show that in the beginning of the Bronze age the dead were buried in a sitting position; it is towards the close of the period that burning begins to be universal.

^{page 372 note 2} J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 270Google Scholar.

^{page 373 note 1} J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 253Google Scholar.

^{page 373 note 2} The Cretan triad would appear to be Minos the god of justice, Pasiphaë the moon-goddess, and the Minotaur the earth. This is like the Hindu triad, shadowed forth in the Mahābhārata, of Dharma the god of justice, husband of the ten months of gestation, Kaṣyapa the father and husband of the thirteen months of the lunar year, and Daksha the father of their wives.

^{page 373 note 3} But the ground used was to be especially consecrated for the occasion, Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 6. 2. 9, vol. xii. p. 440, note 1.

^{page 374 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh, i. 2. 3. 5 and 8, vol. xii. pp. 49 and 51.

^{page 374 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 6. 2. 7–10, vol. xii. pp. 439–440.

^{page 374 note 3} Āṣval. Gṛihya Sūtra, iv. 8. 1 and 2, vol. xxix. Sacred Books of the East, Oldenberg's translation, p. 255.

^{page 374 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 3. 6, vol. xii, p. 50; Ait. Brāh. ii. 8, Haug's translation, vol. ii. p. 90.

^{page 375 note 1} Monier-Williams, , Buddhism, p. 216Google Scholar.

^{page 375 note 2} Beal, , Records of the Western World, vol. ii. pp. 103, 174Google Scholar.

^{page 375 note 3} Genesis ix. 4.

^{page 375 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 2. 1, vol. xii. p. 78; Kaushitaki Upanishad, Müller's, Max translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. i. p. 223Google Scholar.

^{page 376 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 6. 3. 21, vol. xxvi. pp. 161–162.

^{page 376 note 2} Exodus xiii. 11–14.

^{page 376 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 8. 1. 15, vol. xxvi. p. 190. The same idea reappears in the Epistle to the Hebrews, where it is said, chap. ix. 22, that without shedding of blood there is no remission.

^{page 376 note 4} This belief in the necessity of sacrificing the manhood of the priests of Cybele is apparently the origin of the custom of making eunuchs in the East. Herodotus, i. 105, tells how the Scythians used to make Enarees (eunuchs) of their children, having learnt the practice from the worshippers of Aphrodite, the great mother, at Ascalon. He calls it the female disease. That this is a very old tribal custom among certain Tartar tribes, and that it was not by any means confined to children, is proved by its existence at the present day. A gentleman who has lived long in Eastern Europe, and who has a most intimate knowledge of the people, tells me that the males of a Tartar tribe called Lippovan or Lipprovans (he is not sure of the name) have been accustomed for ages to sterilize themselves either before or after they have had children. They have been expelled from Russia on account of this custom, but abound in Roumania, and in Bucharest almost all the cabdrivers are eunuchs belonging to this tribe. These people are probably the descendants of the race called Sauromatæ, who were, as Herodotus (iv. 110–117) tells us, formed from a union of the Amazons and Scythians, and the custom of sterilizing certain males probably arose during the matriarchate, to prevent the men of the tribe having intercourse with the females, for the rule was that the fathers were to be chosen from another clan than that of the mothers. Whatever the original custom may have been, it is certain that, like all Dravidian customs, it was most carefully regulated and enforced. When patriarchal succeeded matriarchal rule, and the head of the household became the husband of a number of wives, who were regarded as his property, the custom of making eunuchs was retained, as a means of supplying guards for the women of the harem, and preventing them from resorting to their former custom of temporary marriage.

^{page 377 note 1} Mahābhārata, Vana Parva, cxxvii.–cxxviii. pp. 386–389.

^{page 377 note 2} Leviticus iv. 18 and 25.

^{page 377 note 3} Exodus xx. 24; Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 5. 14–16, vol. xii. pp. 62–153.

^{page 377 note 4} Leviticus i. 5 and 11, iii. 2, 8 and 13, iv. 7, 8 and 15. The stone altar in its simplest form was the asherim or linga, the sacrificial post or yũpa, to which the victim was tied, and which was inserted in the earth as the “linga” in the “yoni.” This is the form in which it appears in the Brāhmaṇas, where each victim has its separate yūpa (Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 7. 1. 22, and iii. 7. 2. 3–8, vol. xxvi. pp. 173, 176–178) or wooden stake, but at a very early period built altars of brick were used, as we learn from the Katha Upanishad i. 1. 15, where Yama tells Nachiketās “what bricks are required for the altar, how many, and how they are to be placed” (Müller's, Max translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xv. pp. 4 and 5Google Scholar). The Jewish altar, which was wood overlaid with brass, was disconnected with the earth, perhaps as a protest against phallic beliefs; but on the other hand, it was by its horns connected with the heavenly triad; which succeeded earth and phallic worship. The horns represented the heavenly bull or cow, but not in their earliest form of the bisexual principle, but as the moon-god, who was the father and mother of all living beings. But the brass which covered it connected it with phallic worship, as is shown by the brazen or healing serpent, which was an object of national worship. The brazen serpent was the Jewish representative of the old snake-god, who became the Greek Esculapius and the Egyptian Imhotep. Brass, as it still does in Hindu caste-rules, denoted purity, and consequently sacrificial and sacred utensils, the covering of the altar, and the sacred serpent, were made of brass. That Esculapius was an Eastern and phallic god is shown by the cock, an Eastern bird, being sacrificed to him, and by his having his hand entwined by a serpent. The later Jewish altar, or perhaps the earlier if Ezekiel is older than Leviticus, seems from Ez. xl. 42 to have been a stone altar.

^{page 378 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 7. 1. 28, vol. xxvi. p. 174, also the description of a “linga,” quoted from Varāhamihira by Alberuni, in his India, Sachau's edition, vol. ii. pp. 103, 104Google Scholar, where it is shown to be octagonal and phallic, fitted on to a quadrangular base inserted in the earth, the octangular portion being a reduplication of the quadrangular, showing that the eight Agnis or Vasu were the four doubled.

^{page 378 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 8. 1. 15, vol. xxvi. p. 190.

^{page 378 note 3} The Scandinavians “reddened, i.e. fertilized, their altars with blood for the bettering of the year.” St. Olaf, quoted by Chaillu, Du, The Viking Age, vol. i. chap. x. p. 345Google Scholar.

^{page 379 note 1} Great changes such as those noticed required at least a new dynasty, if they did not involve a total change in the ruling tribe.

^{page 380 note 1} Ādi (Sambhava) Parva, lv. and lvi. pp. 319–323.

^{page 380 note 2} Sabha (Rajasuyarambha) Parva, xvii. pp. 54–57.

^{page 380 note 3} The city of the Daityas, the sons of Diti, the great mother, the second month of the lunar year. Drona (Dronabisheka) Parva, xi. p. 32.

^{page 380 note 4} Udyoga (Amvopakhyana) Parva, clxxi.-cxciv.

^{page 380 note 5} Ādi (Sambhava) Parva, xcix. pp. 295–297; also Part II. of this Series, J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 304–305Google Scholar.

^{page 381 note 1} The Kolarians of Chota Nagpore say that wherever the Sal tree (Shorea robusta), the finest forest tree in Central India, grows, there is their home. The religious and historical significance of the sal tree is shown in the story of the birth of Buddha. His mother was Maya, or illusion, the name for the great mother, adopted by the philosophers, who described religious speculation as the raising of the veil of Maya. When he was born she placed herself under the sal tree in the sacred grove of Lumbini. This was the sacred ancestral tree of the Kolarian Kolyas, to which tribe his mother belonged. The Buddha was not only horn under a sal tree, but died under the sacred sal trees at Kusinagara. See Part I. of this series, J.R.A.S. 04, 1888, p. 357Google Scholar; Fausböll's Jataka, vol. i. p. 52; Sacred Books of the East, vol. xi. p. 85.

^{page 381 note 2} Ṣantanu appears to have some connection with Sin the moon, but I cannot at present trace the process of derivation.

^{page 381 note 3} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 197, note 6, and 320Google Scholar. The name “the coloured bracelet” evidently refers to snake worship, and perhaps to mother worship also.

^{page 381 note 4} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 190, 215, 225 and 291Google Scholar. But the Gandharvas are also in their heavenly aspects the Ganḍarewa or wandering stars of the Zendavesta, who were killed by Keresāspa, the Kaṣyapa of the Zendavesta, and by Kutsa, the charioteer of Indra in the Rigveda. In that case Chitrāṇgada (the coloured bracelet) would mean the mother's year of gestation, and his death would represent the conquest of the mother-worshippers by the Kuṣikas, who introduced the full lunar year of thirteen months.

^{page 382 note 1} Alberuni's India, Sachau's translation, vol. ii. chap. lxi. pp. 118, 120; Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 320Google Scholar.

^{page 382 note 2} See on the whole subject Penka, Origines Ariacæ, chap. ii. pp. 35–43, and chap. v. pp. 99, 122–125, 137–138, where he shows by a long series of proofs that both the Aryans or white people, and the darker Turanian races whom they conquered, were called throughout Europe and Asia by names denoting colour. The name Arya he contends means the white people, and he connects the name with the Sanskrit arjuna ‘fair,’ Greek ἄργυρος ‘the white metal, silver,’ ἄργος ‘white, shining,’ and the Latin albus ‘white.’ The name Sudra he traces back to an earlier form shown in the Greek ζκδροι, and connects it with the root ‘ska,’ meaning ‘darkness, shadow.’

^{page 383 note 1} Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Ābān Yast. x. 37, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. p. 62.

^{page 383 note 2} It is the union between the two races, the southern and northern, formed after a long period of intestine war, which forms the story of the Mahābhārata. But this union was not the earlier one mentioned in these myths. The ultimate union was that of people who had passed through a long and varied history before they finally amalgamated.

^{page 383 note 3} Ādi (Ặṣtika) Parva, xl.–lviii. pp. 121–160; Part II. of this Series, J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 243 and 308Google Scholar.

^{page 384 note 1} Rg. vii. 18. 6; Part II. of this Series, J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 230Google Scholar.

^{page 384 note 2} Adi (Vansava tāi na) Parva, lxiii. pp. 174–175.

^{page 384 note 3} The meaning the “dry mother” is probably the original one, as the river in the Mahābhārata is said to be filled only in rainy seasons. She became the “pure mother” when she was consecrated by the waters of Indra. The river is probably the Charmanvati, or rather its tributary the Parvati, which means the mountain mother, and rises in the ancient country of Chedi.

^{page 385 note 1} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 140Google Scholar.

^{page 385 note 2} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 264, note 4Google Scholar. The Hindi name for the Haihaya is “Haiobuns,” meaning “buns” sons of Haio, which is almost exactly the same word as Hea.

^{page 385 note 3} Rg. i. 130. 8.

^{page 386 note 1} Mahābhārata, Ādi (Sambhava) Parva, cv. p. 318. Compare Rg. x. 164. 8, where the heavenly thought filled the womb of the mother earth with the divine mist from whence the sacred calf, the new year, was born.

^{page 386 note 2} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, Appendix A, Nos. 18 and 21, p. 315Google Scholar.

^{page 386 note 3} Cunningham, , Ancient Geography of India, p. 215Google Scholar.

^{page 386 note 4} Bhishma (Bhishmavadha) Parva, lxxiv., lxxv., lxxxii., pp. 273, 275, 293. The death of the representatives of three generations of the Vāhlikas is described in the Drona Parva. In sec clxiii. p. 438 Vāhlika's grandson Bhuriṣravas bearing a banner marked with the “yūpa” or sacrificial stake (showing that the custom of tying the victim to a stake came from the north) was killed by Sātyaki, the grandson of Sini (the moon-god). Shortly after (sec. clvii. p. 504) Vāhlika himself was, with his nine sons, killed by Bhima. The tenth son, Somadatta, father of Bhuriṣravas, was killed (sec. clxii. p. 523) by Sātyaki, aided by Bhima.

^{page 387 note 1} Caldwell, , Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Languages, p. 15Google Scholar, gives different forms of this word Choḍa, which appears in the Asoka Inscriptions, Telugu Chola, Tamil Choṛa or Soṛa. He says they are the original inhabitants of Coromandel, and gives in another list of races a fourth race Kōla. As the Dravidians so often soften the guttural, it would seem that Kola was the original form altered by Dravidians into Chola, and that it must mean the Kolarian tribes.

^{page 387 note 2} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 285–287Google Scholar.

^{page 388 note 1} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 231–234Google Scholar.

^{page 390 note 1} Praṣña Upanishad, v. 3–5; Müller's, Max translation Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii. p. 282Google Scholar. See also Institutes of Vishnu, lv. 10, p. 182, where Om is said to contain these three letters. This Vishṇu-smṛiti is believed by Professors Jolly and Bühler to be the ancient Dharma Sutra of the Kārāyaṇīyakāthaka Sākhā of the Veda, Black Yajur, Sacred Books of the East, vol. vii. Preface, p. 12Google Scholar.

^{page 391 note 1} Rg. x. 184. 2, Sinivali is the name given to the new moon in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, 7. 2. 11, Haug's translation, vol. ii. p. 458.

^{page 391 note 2} Rg. x. 189; Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 6. 2. 2, vol. xxvi. p. 149.

^{page 391 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 1. 4. 29 and 30, vol. xii. pp. 301–302.

^{page 391 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. iv. 6. 9. 17, vol. xxvi. p. 451, note.

^{page 391 note 5} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 6. 3. 27, vol. xii. p. 170.

^{page 391 note 6} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 1. 4. 29, vol. xii. pp. 301–302.

^{page 392 note 1} There seems to be a doubt as to the gender. If Prof. Eggeling is right in translating the pronoun once as feminine, it seems the same gender should be continued throughout the poem.

^{page 392 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 4. 23, vol. xxvi. p. 83.

^{page 392 note 3} Āṣval. Gṛih. Sūtra, iv. 8. 5, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxix. Oldenberg's, translation, p. 255Google Scholar.

^{page 392 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 7. 1. 1, vol. xii. p. 183. In Rg. iv. 27, it is Soma the divine drink which is brought down from heaven by the eagle.

^{page 393 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 5. 1. 7 and 11, vol. xxvi. pp. 112–113.

^{page 393 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 5. 1. 8, vol. xxvi. p. 112.

^{page 394 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 2, 2. 4, vol. xxvi. p. 37; i. 1. 1. 13, vol. xii. p. 8.

^{page 394 note 2} With reference to this subject, I may note that I find it stated in Max Müller's Preface to vol. iv. of his edition of the Rigveda, p. 69, that Ibn Ezra says that the Hebrew word “Shanah” means a ring, and the same great critic also argues that the Hebrew year must have been originally lunar, because “Chodesh,” a month, is derived from a root meaning “to be new.” Gesenius also connects Shanah with the Latin “annus,” a ring, but a Hebrew scholar has pointed out to me that the root from which “Shanah” is derived involves the idea of repetition, recurrence, and that this may have produced the annular idea connected with the word. It certainly seems to have some connection with Sin, the moon, and so does the Greek ἕνος, a year, where the aspirate may probably be connected with an initial s, and in that case both names would be derived from the moon. But neither of these two possible explanations is applicable to the Latin “annus” of ten months, which could not be said, like the completed year, to recur by beginning again when the ten months were ended.

^{page 395 note 1} Adah and Zillah certainly seem to represent two of the three mothers among the Jews, and the third may appear in Naamah; see Appendix for the discussion of the question. If the division into three was not Aryan, it was the earliest division among the Turanians, and must have been connected with the sacred triad. Among the later Turanians five was the sacred number.

^{page 395 note 2} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 139Google Scholar.

^{page 396 note 1} Tiele, , Outlines of the History of Ancient Religions, pp. 48 and 58Google Scholar.

^{page 395 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh, vol. xii. Preface to Seasonal Sacrifices, p. 384.

^{page 396 note 3} See Bentley's, Historical Review of Hindu Astronomy, Calcutta, 1823Google Scholar, quoted by Müller, Max, Preface to vol. iv. of his edition of the Rigveda, pp. 30–33Google Scholar.

^{page 397 note 1} Prof. Max Müller obtained a verification of Mr. Bentley's calculations from Mr. Hind, of the Greenwich Observatory. Mr. Hind found that only Jupiter was occulted, though the others were in ecliptic conjunction with the moon. The several dates of these conjunctions were as follows: Venus, about August 20th, 1425 B.C.; Mercury, April 17th, 1424 B.C.; Jupiter, April 22nd, 1424 B.C.; and Mars, August 18th, 1424 B.C.—Preface to vol. iv. of his edition of the Rigveda, pp. 85–87.

^{page 397 note 2} But their original year is said by Alberuni, vol. ii. p. 9, Sachau's translation, to have begun in Mṛigasirsha, when he says the year of the people of Sindh and Kanoj used to begin before it was altered to the new moon of Chait on the introduction of the solar year. But this statement, which is opposed to all the ancient evidence which makes the lunar year begin in Pūsh, in explained in the Mahābhārata. There (Bhishma (Bhagavatgita) Parva, xxxiv. p. 115) Kṛishṇa (Vishṇu) says, “I am Mṛigasirsha,” that is, that month is sacred to me. That means that he ruled the closing month of the lunar year which was formerly sacred to Ṣiva, and it was at the end of this month that the new year began with the new moon of the succeeding month, Pūsh.

^{page 398 note 1} Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Sīrōzah, i. 13, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. p. 9Google Scholar, and many other places. They were the seven holy stars made by Mazda.

^{page 398 note 2} Tait. Sanh. iv. 5. 1; Tait. Brāh. iii. 1. 4. 1; Müller, Max, Preface to vol. iv. of his edition of the Rigveda, p. 32Google Scholar.

^{page 398 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 13, vol. xii. p. 15; i. 4. 5. 3, p. 128; iii. 4. 4. 15, vol. xxvi. p. 108.

^{page 399 note 1} These festivals are called the Pola and Gurhpūja. The information here given is taken from my official report on the Settlement of the Raipore District, forming the southern part of Chuttisgurh. In the Gurhpūja the wild rice is. gathered and hung up in the ryots' houses, thus securing the blessing of the mother earth on the house. This is strictly analogous to the blessing of the house at the consecration of the household fire by the recitation of the hymn of the Queen of the serpents, Kadrū the mother earth.

^{page 400 note 1} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 110Google Scholar.

^{page 401 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iv. 3. 1. 5 and 14–20, pp. 318, 321, 322.

^{page 401 note 2} Eleven is everywhere throughout the Brāhmaṇas the number sacred to the older gods. In the Soma annual sacrifices there are eleven fore-offerings (prayājas), eleven by-offerings (upayājas), and eleven after-offerings (anuyājas) (Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 8. 4 and 1, vol. xxvi. p. 310; Ait. Brāh. ii. 18, Haug's translation, p. 110). Sacrifices on eleven potsherds are offered to Prajāpati at the Varuṇapraghāsa or summer seasonal sacrifice (Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 2. 39, vol. xii. p. 403), and the same number to Agni-Soma at the new and full moon sacrifice (Ṣat. Brāh. i. 6. 3. 14, vol. xii. p. 167). The thirty-three, or three times eleven, offerings at the Soma sacrifice distinctly point to the number eleven being one of the divisions used in reckoning the gods of time, and this conclusion is confirmed by the thirty-three gods being in the Rigveda divided into three groups of eleven each (Rg. i. 34. 11; i. 139. 11; viii. 35. 3; ix. 92. 4). This division corresponds to the thirty-six steps given as the length of the altar, and the thirty and thirtythree steps as its breadth. I have already shown that the thirty-six steps denote the threefold reverence paid to the year of twelve months, the thirty steps to the same honours given to the year of ten, and it hence follows that the thirty-three steps, the thirty-three offerings, and the division of the thirty-three gods into three groups of eleven each, all point to a year of eleven months. Thus in the official division of the thirty-three gods into eleven Rudras, eight Vasus, and twelve Adityas, we have the two sacred years of eleven and twelve months, united by the seven sacred days of the week, with the sun-god added.

^{page 403 note 1} Nahusha was hurled from heaven by Indra. See J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 193, 264Google Scholar.

^{page 403 note 2} J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 283–285Google Scholar.

^{page 404 note 1} Oppert, G., On the Original Inhabitants of Bhāratavarsha, part ii. pp. 237–239Google Scholar.

^{page 404 note 2} Chullavagga, v. 6, Davids, Rhys and Oldenberg's, translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xx. p. 76Google Scholar; Part II. of this Series, J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 284Google Scholar.

^{page 404 note 3} Oppert, G., On the Original Inhabitants of Bhāratavarsha, part ii. pp. 218Google Scholar, 243–253, 239–235.

^{page 404 note 4} Ib. p. 231.

^{page 405 note 1} Ib. pp. 210, 239.

^{page 405 note 2} J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 235, 236, 239, 307Google Scholar.

^{page 405 note 3} Oppert, G., On the Original Inhabitants of Bhāratavarsha, part ii. p. 231Google Scholar.

^{page 405 note 4} J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 213–216Google Scholar; Rg. viii. 1. 11. Perhaps this refers to the institution of the lunar year, which is, in the Zendavesta (Fargard i. 10, Sacred Books of the East, vol. iv. p. 7), represented by the conquest of the Gandarewas or Pairikas, the wandering stars, by Keresāspa, the Zend Kutsa and by his making the Pairika kñathaiti, the moon-goddess, his wife. In other words, he subjected her to order and made her rule the year.

^{page 405 note 5} Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Fargard ii. Sacred Books of the East, vol. iv. pp. 12–21Google Scholar.

^{page 405 note 6} Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Ābān Yast vii., Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. pp. 59, 61Google Scholar.

^{page 406 note 1} I must not, in this short summary of some of the leading conquests of early agricultural science, be considered to attribute them to the earliest ancestors of the farming races. They must, like all other discoveries, have been the work of many successive generations, who all owed their origin to ancestors who first imbued their descendants with the spirit of inquiry and perseverance, which has continued down to the present time to animate those who followed in the track of their fathers.

^{page 406 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh ii. 5. 2. 5–9. 16, vol. xii. pp. 393–396.

^{page 407 note 1} Zendaresta, Darmesteter's, Ashi Yaṣt x., Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. pp. 280, 282Google Scholar.

^{page 407 note 2} Ādi (Sambhava) Parva, lxv. p. 185.

^{page 408 note 1} Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Rām Yaṣt vii. Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. p. 255, note 4Google Scholar.

^{page 408 note 2} Ib. Zamyād Yaṣt vii. 39–41, p. 295.

^{page 408 note 3} Ib. Ābān Yaṣt x. 37, note 5, p. 62.

^{page 408 note 4} Part II. J.R.A.S. April, 1889, pp. 221, 222, 238.

^{page 409 note 1} In Tamil it is Kartikai.

^{page 409 note 2} See Appendix. They were perhaps the two fire-sticks, the father and mother of fire, as the first fire-worshippers were the people who established the lunar year.

^{page 409 note 3} Mahābhārata, Vana Parva, cxxii.-cxxvi. pp. 373–382; Ṣat. Brāh. iv. 1. 5. 1–16, vol. xxvi. pp. 272–277; Rg. vii. 68. 6. 7.

^{page 409 note 4} In this capacity they are probably represented by the Hebrew Jabal, the god of the shepherds, and Naamah, who were added to the old sacred period eleven months ending with Tubal-Cain, to make up the thirteen months of the full lunar year. See Appendix A.

^{page 410 note 1} This is the process prescribed in the Jewish ritual, and the northern nations used also to redden their altars and temples with the blood of the sacrifices, St. Olaf, Hennskungla 113; Chaillu, Du, The Viking Age, vol. i. chap. xx. p. 345Google Scholar.

^{page 410 note 2} Lewis, , Historical Survey of the Astronomy of the Ancients, p. 75Google Scholar; Hes. Fragm. pp. 175, 370, 206, ed. L Marckscheffel; Pind. Pyth. vi. 21, ix. 29.

^{page 411 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 7. 3. 1. p. 190.

^{page 411 note 2} Darmesteter's, Zendavesta, Tīr Yast, vi. 20–34Google Scholar, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. pp. 99–102.

^{page 411 note 3} It was through star-worship that the sacred fire was transferred from earth to heaven. It was then that Tiṣtrya or Sirius became the god of the heavenly fire.

^{page 412 note 1} Shem means The name.

^{page 412 note 2} Part III. J.R.A.S. July, 1889, p. 546, note 2.

^{page 412 note 3} Alberuni's India, Sachau's translation, chap. lxi. vol. ii. p. 122. This substitution of the ox for the goat is shown in the adoption of Ahir Budhneya, the dominant god of the second Nakshatra of this month. Ahir Budhneya is explained in the Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, iii. 27, Haug's translation, vol. ii. p. 224, to mean the household fire. But Ahir is, as every one in India knows, one of the names of the cattle-herding tribes, and the god called Ahir must be the ox-footed god. Thus Bhadrapada, the blessed foot, was the name of the goat-god, Proshṭapada or the ox-footed, the name of the later god. This difference between the dominants of the two halves of the month arises from a difference of race, and a similar difference is apparently shown in the names of the Nakshatras of the month, the first Pūrvabhadrapada would be the Nakshatra of the eastern (Pūrva) people, who worshipped the goat, and whose year was the lunar year of thirteen months, and Uttarabhadrapada was the Nakshatra of the northern (Uttara) tribes, who had adopted the solar year. I have shown in the Appendix that the use of the Nakshatras as parts of the year was caused by the adoption of a five years' cycle, to include solar and lunar years, and this evidence of the intermixture of northern and eastern or new and old world gods, in the names and dominant gods of the several Nakshatras, is additional proof of the truth of the account of the origin of the Nakshatra which I have there given.

^{page 413 note 1} Exodus iv. 10–17.

^{page 413 note 2} Part II. J.R.A.S. April, 1889, pp. 243, 257, 267, 291, 300, 322, 323, 327.

^{page 414 note 1} Darmesteter's, Zendavesta, Sīrōzah, 1, 1Google Scholar, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. p. 3, also p. 6, note 11.

^{page 414 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 5. 3. 20, vol. xii. p. 416.

^{page 415 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2: 3. 6, vol. xii. p. 50; Ait. Brāh. ii. 2. 8, Haug's translation, vol. ii. p. 90.

^{page 415 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 1. 4.16 and 17, 23–26, vol. xii. pp. 297 and 300.

^{page 415 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 3. 1. 1–12, vol. xxvi. pp. 58–62.

^{page 416 note 1} Herod, iv. 61.

^{page 416 note 2} J.R.A.S. Vol. XXI. “On the Ugor Branch of the Ural-Altaic Family of Languages,” by Duka, Theodore, p. 623Google Scholar. The custom of sacrificing horses still continues among people of Hindu origin, and strange to say an instance of it occurred two years ago at Chertsey, when a gypsey chief died, and the tribe sacrificed a horse over his grave. The horse was probably originally sacrificed for the use of the dead in the other world; but when the horse was introduced into the Hindu ritual, he became, like any other sacrifice, a ransom for the sacrificer.

^{page 416 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 6. 2. 6–12, vol. xxvi. pp. 150–157.

^{page 417 note 1} Herod, iv. 66.

^{page 417 note 2} Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Yast, Ābān, xxiv. 104, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. p. 78Google Scholar. The “baresma” is the sacred twig, “long as a ploughshare, thick as a barleycorn,” which the sacrificer cut preferably from the pomegranate, date or tamarind tree, or any tree which had no thorns, and kept in his left hand during the sacrifice, Zendavesta, Fargard xix. 19, and Fargard iii. 1, vol. iv. pp. 209 and 22, note 2. In Fargard iii. 1. the mortar for bruising the Soma, the pressing stone of the Hindu ritual, is described as one of the sacrificial implements of the holy sacrifice. The holy wood is also included in this list, showing that the Soma sacrifice of the Zoroastrians included, like the Hindu Soma sacrifice, a burnt offering. The “baresma,” which was originally a single twig, the divining rod of Rabdomancy, became afterwards a bundle of twigs, as shown by Prof. Darmesteter in his note quoted above.

^{page 418 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 3. 3. 8 and 9, vol. xxvi. pp. 71 and 72.

^{page 418 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 3. 2. 3, vol. xxvi. p. 64.

^{page 418 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 3. 4. 1–31, vol. xxvi. pp. 75–85.

^{page 418 note 4} Udumbara is the Ficus glomerata, the well-known Goolar tree of India.

^{page 419 note 1} Plants sacred to the moon, such as the mistletoe of the Druids.

^{page 419 note 2} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 286Google Scholar.

^{page 419 note 3} Part III. J.R.A.S. July, 1889, pp. 543 and 541; Tiele, Outlines of the History of Ancient Religions, p. 48.

^{page 419 note 4} Part III. J.R.A.S. July, 1889, p. 556; Encyclopaedia Britannica, ninth edition, vol. xv. s.v. Lupercalia, p. 96.

^{page 419 note 6} Encyclopædia Britannica, ninth edition, vol. ii. s.v. Artemis, p. 643.

^{page 420 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iv. 3. 1. 1–6, vol. xxvi. pp. 316–318.

^{page 420 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh, ii. 5. 2. 13, vol. xii. p. 395.

^{page 420 note 3} Ṣat. Brah. iii. 2. 2. 4, vol. xxvi. p. 37; i. 1. 1. 13, vol. xii. p. 8.

^{page 420 note 4} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 1. 2. 13, vol. xii. p. 15; i. 4. 5. 3, p. 138; iii. 4. 4. 15, vol. xxvi. p. 108.

^{page 420 note 5} Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 6. 2. 12, vol. xxvi. p. 151.

^{page 420 note 6} Rg. v. 25. 1; Ṣat. Brāh. iv. 3. 1. 1, note 1, vol. xxvi. pp. 316–317.

^{page 420 note 7} Ṣat. Brāh. iv. 3. 1. 2, compared with iii. 6. 2. 12, vol. xxvi. pp. 317 and 151.

^{page 421 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. iv. 3. 1. 5, vol. xxvi. p. 318.

^{page 421 note 2} Ṣat. Brāh. ii. 2. 3. 27, vol. xii. p. 321.

^{page 421 note 3} Ṣat. Brāh. iv. 3. 1. 20–21, vol. xxvi. p. 322.

^{page 421 note 4} Rg. iv. 30. 18. The Chitraratha were the charioteers, the men of the coloured (chittra) chariot (ratha), and the Arṇa were the worshippers of Araṇi the fire-stick.

^{page 421 note 5} V.S. 23. 18; Taitt. S. 7. 4. 19. 1; Zimmer, Altindisches Leben, pp. 36, 37.

^{page 422 note 1} Mahābhārata, Sabha (Jarasandha-badha) Parva, xxii. p. 69; Sabba (Ṣiṣupālabadha) Parva, xlv. p. 122; Part II. J.R.A.S. April, 1889, p. 211.

^{page 422 note 2} Part II. J.R.A.S. April, 1889, p. 276.

^{page 422 note 3} Herod, i. 104, 105.

^{page 423 note 1} The Dionysiac myth, like Soma-worship, originated in phallic worship. The Dionysos of the Eleusinian mysteries was a phallic god, and Herod, ii. 48 tells us that m the ceremonies of the Dionysiac festivals, the phallus was a conspicuous object. The Bacchic orgies of the women also point to the old customs of trihal concubinage, which existed before marriage. Like that of the Soma festival, the history of the Dionysiac myth is an epitome of that of the evolution of religious thought.

^{page 424 note 1} Part II. J.R.A.S. April, 1889, pp. 279–284.

^{page 424 note 2} There is a special Maṇḍala, the 3rd, devoted to the Bhārata, supposed to be written by Visvāmitra, a Vedic bard, but who is really, like Prajāpati, the mythical representative of the successive ruling deities of the triad. According to the later legends of the sun-worshippers, he was the father of Ashtaka the eighth Vasu. As the son of Gādhi he was a chief of the Kuṣikas, that is to say, he was the moon-god.

^{page 424 note 3} Alberuni's India, Sachau's translation, vol. ii. p. 66, quotation from Mārkandeya, a Hindu astronomer. Agastya is also (Rg. i. 170. 3) the brother of the Maruts who are also called in v. 3 of the same hymn the sisters of lndra. Agastya as the god of the Dānava or linga-worshippers must have been a ruling god before lndra, and as the brother of the Maruts he must have been the son or husband of the great mother earth.

^{page 425 note 1} Sabha (Digvijaya) Parva, xxxi. 89–91; J.R.A.S. April, 1889, pp. 274–275.

^{page 425 note 2} Rg. vi. 61. 1.

^{page 425 note 3} Rg. viii. 74. 4 and 14; Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 219–220Google Scholar.

^{page 425 note 4} Vana (Tirtha Tatra) Parva, xcvi.–xcix. pp. 306–314. In determining the ethnology of these Daitya it must not be forgotten that the mother river of the Mazdean worshippers was the Dāitya, the river of Airyana Vaējo where there are ten winter months, Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Farg. i. 3 and 4, vol. iv. Sacred Books of the East, p. 5. It must also be recollected that in the ritual of the seasonal sacrifices it was shown that the winter was looked on as the season when the work of producing the new year went on, and thus these ten winter months must be months of gestation. In this passage it is the production of the sacred race of the future worshippers of the true god proclaimed by Thraētaona, the water god who killed the snakes and sanctified the rivers, that is fore-shadowed.

^{page 426 note 1} Herod, i. 105.

^{page 426 note 2} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 235Google Scholar.

^{page 426 note 3} Chista or Chisti is the Angel of Knowledge (Farg. xiv. 39, Sacred Books of the East, vol. iv. p. 216, note 4), the most upright (goddess), clothed in white, the cursing, i.e. the strongest thought of the law of Mazda, Mihir Yast, xxxi. 126, vol. xxiv. p. 153, also p. 12, note 13. She is the holy mother who bears in her womb the knowledge of the law. That is to say, she is the personified Ark.

^{page 426 note 4} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 67–68Google Scholar.

^{page 427 note 1} Etruscan Inscriptions of Lemnos, by Brown, E., jun., Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, 04 and 05, 1888Google Scholar.

^{page 427 note 2} Asiatic Researches, Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 62.

^{page 427 note 3} Hunter's Gazetteer of India, s.v. Kalingæ.

^{page 427 note 4} The Dosadhs of Behar, the tribe from whom the village watchmen of Behar are taken, thus showing that they belong to the original ruling race of the country, and who still keep pigs, the animal originally sacred to the northern caste, resemble the Mughs of Chittagong in being excellent cooks.

^{page 428 note 1} Hunter's Gazetteer, vol. xi. p. 415, s.v. Rajputana. The Mughias say they got the name Baoria from Bauri, ‘a well,’ and have a legend to explain it; but the identity of the two names with those of the principal tribes of Eastern India shows conclusively that these names are both ancestral names.

^{page 428 note 2} The name Vidarba may mean the two united snake races, from ‘vi’ two, and ‘arba,’ the root of Arbuda, a snake. Their country is shown by the notices in the Mahābhārata to have been the home both of the matriarchal races and the Haihayas, and it was in the Nerbudda valley that the war described in the Mahābhārata between the Bhṛigus and Haihayas took place, Ādi (Chaitrā-ratha) Parva, clxix. pp. 512–514; Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, p. 288Google Scholar.

^{page 428 note 3} Mahābhārata, Tana (Tirtha Yatra) Parva, cxx. p. 371.

^{page 428 note 4} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 288, 289, 231Google Scholar; Rg. viii. 3. 9, viii. 6. 18.

^{page 429 note 1} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 31–33Google Scholar.

^{page 429 note 2} The sanctity attached to the land of Magāna is shown in the Bible. It was there, at Mount Horeb, that Moses first formed the great conception of the consecrated Jehovah, and it was from Sinai, the sacred mount of Magāna, that the law was propounded. The religion there preached was a return to the unity of the godhead, which was a fundamental tenet of the ancient mother-worshippers, who first worshipped the uncreated and creating earth, and afterwards the moon goddess, the ruler of heaven and earth, from whom the earth received her power.

^{page 430 note 1} The name of the Magi also seems to show that this was an early name of the Sumerian race, for the religion of Zarathustra is, as I have shown, derived from that of the Asura, the ancient Sumerians, and as their holy men were always called Magi, the name prohably was one which was derived from a Sumerian tribal name. They were the original magicians or sorcerers, and sorcery and witchcraft was a distinguishing mark of the earliest religions, a sign of the fear of the unknown and inexplicable.

^{page 430 note 2} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 42Google Scholar. Mugh-ir is a similar compound to Ir-Nahush in 1 Chron. iv. 12, which is the city (Ir) of Nahush (the Serpent), the exact equivalent of the Hindu Nāgapūra.

^{page 430 note 3} Rg. viii. 2. 13, iii. 5. 3. 14, and many other places; Mahābhārata, Ādi Parvi, lxiii. p. 173.

^{page 431 note 1} Alberuni's India, Sachau's edition, chap. xix. vol. i. p. 215.

^{page 431 note 2} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 265Google Scholar.

^{page 431 note 3} Alberuni's India, Sachau's edition, chap. xix. vol. i. p. 215.

^{page 432 note 1} Strabo, xv. 1. 53–56; McCrindle's Ancient India as described by Megasthenes, , pp. 71–73Google Scholar.

^{page 432 note 2} I must not be understood to assert that Chandragupta was a descendant of Bimbisāro. He belonged to a totally different family, but still one of Nāga race, as his name Chandragupta (protected by the moon) proves.

^{page 433 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 3. 6, vol. xii. p. 50; Ait. Brāh. ii. 8, Haug's translation, vol. ii. p. 90.

^{page 434 note 1} Encyclopædia Britannica, Art. Sacrifices, vol. xxi. p. 135.

^{page 434 note 2} Numbers xxiii. passim.

^{page 434 note 3} The Sybilline Books of ancient Rome are a specimen of these annals, which were doubtless preserved, first by careful oral tradition, and afterwards in writing, by the national priesthoods of all people who could boast of a history.

^{page 435 note 1} The fivefold division of the seasons, was, as I have shown in the analysis of the gods invoked, based upon a triad.

^{page 436 note 1} Ludwig, Ueber das Verhaltniss der mythischen Elementes in der historische Grundlage des Mahābhārata, p. 14. Acad. etc. Prague Königleich-Bohemisch. ges. der Wissenschaft Abhandlungen, vi. Folge, Band 12 (1884).

^{page 436 note 2} It was from the ten lunar months of gestation that the first conception was formed of the immutable laws of nature. This conception was embodied in Dharma the law, and all Drayidian aspirations were directed towards the discovery of the laws which, when obeyed, were to make human society a representation of the union of heaven and earth.

^{page 436 note 3} Bhima conquered the East, Sabha (Digvijaya) Parva, xxix. and xxx. pp. 84–87.

^{page 436 note 4} Sabha (Digvijaya) Parva, xxxi. and xxxii. pp. 87–94.

^{page 437 note 1} Sabha (Anudgata) Parva, Ixxvi. p. 201.

^{page 437 note 2} Udyoga Parva, lvi. The Panchālas were led by Dhrishtadyamna, the son of Drupada, king of the Panchālas, born from the sacrificial flame of the sacrifice anointed with butter offered by Yāja, the impure Brahmin, Ādi (Chaitraratha) Parva, clxix. pp. 480–483. He was in other words the sacred fire of the Srinjaya or Panchālas invoked in Rg. iv, 15. 4, as “the brightest and most fiend-destroying of fires.” It is this fire which was, as I hare shown, that which kindled the annual animal sacrifices. The whole story, like that of the slaying of Bhishma, the eighth Vasu of the Kauravyas, by Ṣikhandin, the bisexual representative of Ambā the great mother, shows that the conquest of the Paṇḍavas over the Northern tribes, who in India worshipped the sun Bhishma, and the sun, moon, and heavenly powers alone, was secured by the aid of the mother-worshippers, and the worshippers of the united Ṣiva and Durga, the Virāj, together with that of the Matsya, and Virāta, the Indra and linga-worshippers, and the Semite-Akkadians or Sāka-Sauvira or Vrishnis, and Andhakas. In other words, it was the amalgamated people who had formed themselves into an indigenous nationality, represented by Arjuna's banner adorned with the sacred ape (Kama Parva, lxxix. p. 303, and many other places), who conquered those who remained isolated and conservative and attached to their peculiar creeds and customs.

^{page 438 note 1} Anguttara Nikaya Chatukka Nipāta Chakkavagga, 39. 2, Morris's edition, published by the Pali Text Society, part ii. p. 42.

^{page 438 note 2} Caldwell, , Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, p. 464Google Scholar, quotes from Dr. Gundert Ida as a Sanskrit word, equivalent to and derived from Tamil Eḍa or Eḍaka, a sheep or goat, which also appears in another form in the Dravidian Āḍu. It thus appears probable that Iḍa became the mother earth of the shepherds or earliest linga-worshippers, the first Kauravya, before she became the cow, and afterwards the bull of the Kuṣikas. It was in her third transformation that she became the purified earth of the worshippers of Indra or Hea, the god of the fertilizing waters.

^{page 439 note 1} Encyclopædia Britannica, ninth edition, art. Phrygia, vol. xvii. p. 853.

^{page 439 note 2} Ibid. art. Arval Brothers, vol. ii. pp. 671, 672. This shows that the sacrifice points to a time long before the Iron age.

^{page 439 note 3} The pig is still, as every one who has served in Behar, the ancient Magadha, knows, the sacred animal of the Doṣadhs, who represent the earliest ruling race in the country, as is proved by the fact that the village watchmen were always Doṣadhs. There can be no surer test of the former antiquity of any race in India than that shown by their fulfilling the office of village watchmen.

^{page 439 note 4} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 153, note 6Google Scholar.

^{page 439 note 5} Robertson-Smith, Religion of Semites, Lecture viii. p. 272.

^{page 439 note 6} Encyclopædia Britannica, art. Ceres, vol. v. p. 345. Pigs were, as Herodotus tells us, sacrificed in Egypt to the moon, and Dionysus, the phallic god, at one full moon in the year, and that then the flesh was eaten, though at other times it was abhorred. The sacrifice was evidently to the two mothers, the earth and the moon, and the earthly father called here Dionysus. The former reverence paid to swine as sacred to the mother of all beings is also shown in the same passage, where Herodotus tells us that all betrothals were arranged in Egypt by swineherds, while the further custom, that daughters were not married from their parents' but from some other person's house, points to the ancient time when, by tribal custom, all the women of the tribe were dedicated to the tribal gods, andthe woman selected to bear children used to go to the temples, where the begetting of children was a sacred ceremony. Herodotus tells us that this custom was still kept up in his time to a certain extent by the visits made by women to temples in almost all countries except Greece and Egypt, Herod, ii. 47. 48. and 64.

^{page 440 note 1} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 288, 289Google Scholar.

^{page 440 note 2} Ibid. pp. 152–154.

^{page 440 note 3} Rubertson-Smith, , Religion of the Semites, Lecture viii. p. 273, noteGoogle Scholar.

^{page 441 note 1} Encyclopædia Britannica, ninth edition, art. Ares, vol. ii. p. 485. He is the Tistrya or dog-star of the Zendavesta, which fights with the demon of drought, Tīr Yast, vi. 10–34, Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiv. pp. 96–102Google Scholar; Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 151, 154Google Scholar.

^{page 441 note 2} J.R.A.S. Part II. 04, 1889, p. 320Google Scholar.

^{page 441 note 3} Rg. i. 161. 9. 10. and 13.

^{page 441 note 4} Müller, Max, Lectures on the Science of Language, second series (1872), pp. 473–475Google Scholar.

^{page 442 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 13. 14, vol. xii. p. 88, also note 2, where Agni is said to be the Hotri or sacrificial priest who carries the offering to the gods. He is succeeded in this office by the Vashat call, or the call meaning may he carry it up. This was pronounced by the Hotri at the end of the offering-prayers, which were muttered to the older gods, and loudly chanted to the accepted Vedic deities. This change, from the burnt offering to praise and prayer as the true sacrifice, as is shown later on, was made by the Aryan Brāhmans. The Jewish ritualists regarded the sacred fire in the same light as the Hindus. See Levit. ii. 2. 9, iii. 5.

^{page 443 note 1} Encyclopædia Britannica, ninth edition, vol. xix. p. 58, art. Poseidon. The connection between Poseidon and the worshippers of the god of the divine water is further shown by Prof. Tiele's identification of the Latin Neptunus, Poseidon's counterpart with the Apām Napāṭ, the god of the waters, of the Zendavesta. This name, he says, has disappeared among the Greeks. But if my suggestion is right, it has not disappeared, because it was never adopted by them. They worshipped the same god under his other name of Push. Tiele, Outlines of the History of Ancient Religions, Trübner's English and Foreign Philosophical Library, vol. vii. p. 230.

^{page 443 note 2} See ante, pp. 349, note 1, 350, 364, note 1.

^{page 444 note 1} Encyclopædia Britannica, xi. p. 749, s.v. Hermes.

^{page 444 note 2} Ib. p. 750.

^{page 444 note 3} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p 285Google Scholar.

^{page 444 note 4} The Sacred Hernwi of Athens, described by Herod, ii. 51, as phallic images, show that Hermes was originally a phallic fire-god.

^{page 445 note 1} Liddell and Scott, 'Iόνιος

^{page 445 note 2} Rāma means darkness.

^{page 445 note 3} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 102Google Scholar.

^{page 445 note 4} Encyclopædia Britannica, xiii. s.v. Io; Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 102Google Scholar.

^{page 445 note 5} Liddell and Scott, 'Αργειφόντης

^{page 445 note 6} Odyssey, xvii. 326, 327—

Ἄργον δ' αὖ κατ μοῖρ' ἓλαβεν μλανος θαντοιο

Aὐτκ' ἰδντ' 'Oδυσα εικοστῷ νιαυτῷ

See comp. between the wanderings of Odysseus and the northern myth of Orendel, Penka, Origines Ariacse, chap. iii. pp. 59, 60.

^{page 445 note 7} See pp. 337, 393, with reference to the productive power of sacrificial pairs.

^{page 446 note 1} Encyclopædia Britannica, xiii. p. 202, s.v. Io.

^{page 446 note 2} The Phainomena of Aratus, translated by Brown, R., jun., p. 40Google Scholar, and Introduction, p. 1. Mr. Brown shows that Eudoxos must have derived his facts from the Chaldæan astronomers.

^{page 446 note 3} Guillemin, , The Heavens, edited by Lockyer, Norman and Proctor, , pp. 287, 288Google Scholar.

^{page 447 note 1} Eridanus, River and Constellation, by R. Brown, jun., v. p. 14; Brugsch, Egypt under the Pharaohs, i. p. 371.

^{page 447 note 2} Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. v. p. 23.

^{page 447 note 3} They were the Hindu Panchayat or Council of Five, which held such an important place in the Dravidian system of government, Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 201, 202Google Scholar.

^{page 447 note 4} Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Sīrōzah i. 13, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii. p. 9Google Scholar.

^{page 447 note 5} Ib. Tīr Yaṣt, 8. 9. 12. 39, pp. 95–97, 104.

^{page 447 note 6} Ib. Tīr Yaṣt, 1, pp. 92, 93.

^{page 448 note 1} West, Bundahis, ii. 7 and xiii. 12, Sacred Books of the East, vol. v. pp 12 and 44.

^{page 448 note 2} Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Fargard iv. 17–19, Sacred Books of the East, vol. iv. pp. 53–54.

^{page 448 note 3} Vaēsa or Satavaēsa seems to be connected with Vaēsaka, the head of the Vīsah family, who was defeated By Tusa, the son of Naotara (the new star), Ában Yast, 53–59, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii. pp. 66–68. Tus again may be the same as the Polar star called in the Babylonian Tablet Turaṣ, and Dānu the divine judge, line 13, star x.; Remarks on the Tablet of the Thirty Stars, by R. Brown, jun., Part II. Transactions of the Society of Biblical Archaeology for February, 1890. Satavaēsa again would mean the hundred (sata) Vaēsas or Vasas, the stars of the constellation Argo, as opposed to the new star Tistrya, and the moon, who, like the Polar star, represented the Northern races as warring against the people and star gods of the South.

^{pagr 448 note 4} Mahābhārata, Vana (Tirtha Yatra) Parva, ciii.–cix. pp. 324–340. That Gaṅga, the great river, was originally the full moon, is proved by Rg. ii. 32. 7, where Gaṅga, Sinivatī, and Rāka are called on to help women in labour. Sayaṇa says Gaṅga is the full moon, and the same as Anumati. This latter word is said in the Ait. Brāh. 7. 11, Haug's translation, vol. ii. pp 457, 458, to mean the full moon, Sinivatī the new moon, and Rāka the last half of the new moon day. The feminine form Gangā is used to represent the moon as the goddess, but Gaṅgu must, in Rg. x. 48. 8, mean the river and not the moon, as Indra is there said to have led the Atithigiva (a name for the Aryan Tṛtsu) to the Gaṅgu, see Ziminer, Altindisches Leben, chap. xiii. p. 352.

^{page 449 note 1} Sankh. Gṛihya Sūtra, i. 28. 9, and Pāras. Gṛihya Sūtra, ii. 1. 9–15, Oldenberg's translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxix. pp. 55 and 302; Vaj. Samḥ. iii. 6. 2.

^{page 450 note 1} See Encyclopædia Britannica, s.v. Hera, xi. p. 680, also Io, vol. xiii. p. 202. The husband of the moon-goddess was probably originally Ἳασος, the son of Io, the dark night. It was the dark night of heaven which was first worshipped, and Varuṇa was the dark night, Muir, Sanskrit Texts, vol. v. sect. v. p. 58.

^{page 451 note 1} The rainy countries of India lay in the East.

^{page 451 note 2} See Mr. Brown's interpretation of line 29, star xxv. in the Babylonian Star Tablets, part ii. Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology for February, 1890. He here translates Tsir as snake.

^{page 453 note 1} Haupt, Akkadische keilschrift texte, p. 137. For this reference I am indebted to Mr. Evatts of the British Museum.

^{page 453 note 2} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 80Google Scholar, where the term is used for the high priest of Bel.

^{page 453 note 3} Ib. p. 451, note 2.

^{page 453 note 4} Caldwell, , Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, p. 467Google Scholar.

^{page 454 note 1} The myth of Orpheus, who, after he rescued his wife, was slain by the Bacchantes, who were jealous of his unconquerable love for his wife, also illustrates the change wrought by the Aryans in the introduction of family life. The Bacchantes represent the Thracian women, who mourned the close of the old period of tribal life, when permanent marriage was unknown. The close connection between Orpheus and the Dionysiac orgies is exactly similar to that between the Soma worship and the sanctity of song in India. They were both the work of the same race. See Encyclopædia Britanaica, ninth edition, Orpheus, vol. xviii p. 51.

^{page 455 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 4. 8–12, vol. xii. pp. 130, 131.

^{page 455 note 2} Penka, Origines Ariacæ, chap. v. p. 144, Caldwell, Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Languages; Excursus on the Origin of the Cerebral Sounds, pp. 32–47.

^{page 456 note 1} Ṣat. Brāh. i. 9. 3. 10, vol. xii. p. 269.

^{page 457 note 1} See Rg. i. 152, 2, where the strong “four-cornered weapon,” the four Agnis forming the sacred oblong figure of the altar, is said to have conquered the “three-cornered,” the triangle of the worshippers of the triad, which was placed as the protector of the central fire on the altar in the three “paridhis,” or enclosing sticks representing the three former Agnis in the seasonal sacrifices. See ante p. 338. In the present quotation the “four-cornered” weapon is said to have destroyed the haters of the gods, that is, the worshippers of the old triad.

^{page 457 note 2} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 226, 252Google Scholar; India and the West in Old Days, by Prof. A. Weber, pp. 19 and 20. The name Sākadwipa for Ancient Irān proves the great influence of the Scythians in Northern Persia in ancient times, and their subsequent power in India.

^{page 457 note 3} The Zendavesta, part iii. translated by Mills, L. H., Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxi. pp. 91Google Scholar, 145.

^{page 457 note 4} Ib. vol. xxxi. p. 2.

^{page 457 note 5} Ib. vol. xxxi. p. 176.

^{page 458 note 1} The Zendavesta, part iii. translated by Mills, L. H., Sacred Books of the East, vol, xxxi. p. 187Google Scholar.

^{page 458 note 2} Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, Haug's edition, vol. i. Introduction, pp. 18 and 19.

^{page 459 note 1} I would here ask whether it is not possible that the Semite Akkadians, who wrote their language both in Assyria and Babylonia, should have brought some form of writing with them to India, for surely the early inhabitants of Telloh, who took their ships to the Sinaitic peninsula for the transport of the stone used in their inscribed statues, must in their voyages to India have brought the art of writing to that country. The Semite Akkadians, whose Phœnician alphabet is the original of the Sanskrit alphabet, knew the Cuneiform character in Babylonia, and those who came to India must have used it, and their predecessors must also have used the earlier and more hieroglyphic form we find at Telloh. If the Hittites, Egyptians, and Akkadians possessed an alphabet, surely the Hindus, who were no less civilized, must have done the same; and I cannot but believe that careful research will disclose some remnants of old writing in India. Without the art of writing, the miracle of the composition and preservation of ancient Sanskrit literature is almost too great for belief.

^{page 459 note 2} Aitareya Brāhmaṇa, Haug's edition, Introduction, vol. i. p. 36.

^{page 461 note 1} Max Müller's Preface to vol. ir. of Rigveda, p. 85.

^{page 461 note 2} I have fully discussed the whole question in an essay read before the Society of Arts, and published in their Journal for May, 1887. I may also say that it was entirely from a thorough study of the land question as Settlement Officer in Chota Nagpore, and in Chuttisgurh in the Central Provinces, two districts which had been almost totally free from Aryan influences till we conquered India, that I first came to believe in the active part played by the Dravidian races in the development of India.

^{page 465 note 1} I have already, Part I. J.R.A.S. 04, 1888, p. 332Google Scholar, shown that the Kolarians never use milk. The wild cattle must have been the Bos Gaurus, the Gaur or so-called Bison, which are really wild cattle. They were tamed by the early Dravidian settlers, just as the Bos primigenius or Urus was tamed in Europe. It was from the Gaur or primitive cattle that the mother earth probably took her name of Gauri, which meant the cow-goddess.

^{page 466 note 1} Lubbock, , Prehistoric Times, second edition, p. 164Google Scholar.

^{page 466 note 2} De Quatrefages, The Human Species, chap, xviii. sect. v. pp. 310–341.

^{page 466 note 3} Ib. pp. 372, 373.

^{page 466 note 4} Lubbock, , Prehistoric Times, second edition, p. 78Google Scholar.

^{page 467 note 1} Lubbock, , Prehistoric Times, second edition, p 155Google Scholar.

^{page 467 note 2} Encyclopædia Britannica, ninth edition, art. Jade, vol. xiii. p. 540.

^{page 467 note 3} See, with reference to this subject, Prof. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, Lectures, x. pp. 359, 360, where he shows that according to Semitic ideas the seat of life lay in the viscera, especially in the kidneys and liver. The Egyptians, on the other hand, as the sons of the thinker, looked on the head as the source of life, and did not eat it, Herod, ii. 39.

^{page 470 note 1} The Druids used certainly to offer human beings to the earth, but these sacrifices were probably offered as part of the ritual which the Aryan inhabitants of Gaul and Britain derived from their Turanian predecessors.

^{page 471 note 1} Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Introduction, iii. 16, vol. iv. Sacred Books of the East, pp. 51, 52; Mill's Yasna, lxv. 7, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxi. p. 318.

^{page 471 note 2} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 62, note 4Google Scholar.

^{page 472 note 1} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, pp. 62–33Google Scholar.

^{page 472 note 2} To be published in the July number.

^{page 473 note 1} Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 31Google Scholar.

^{page 473 note 2} Ibid. pp. 186–187, shows that “Ana” is tbe Akkadian name for the god or goddess of the sky.

^{page 473 note 3} See Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Zamyād Yast, 1–7, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii. pp. 287–289Google Scholar, for the list of the holy mountains, the sign of the life-giving power of the mother earth.

^{page 474 note 1} Böhtlingk-Roth give Harivansa, 7735, 7955, as references for the meaning Soma's wife, and for that of Ṣiva's wife they quote the Supplement to Hemachandra's Dictionary.

^{page 474 note 2} See E-mukh-tilla, the supreme house of life, of which Merodach is said to be the lord. E (house) mukh (supreme) tilla (life) meaning that he is the lord of the mother earth.

^{page 474 note 3} Nin, the lady of the gal (spirit), see seven “galli” or seven great spirits, Sayce, , Hibbert Lectures for 1887, p. 268Google Scholar.

^{page 474 note 4} Professor Douglas tells me that lately many Chinese words have been traced to Akkadian roots.

^{page 474 note 5} West, Pahlavi Texts, Bahman Yast, ii. 36, Sacred Books of the East, vol. v. p. 205, compared with Zendavesta, Darmesteter's, Fargard la and 1b, Sacred Books of the East, vol. iv. pp. 119–129Google Scholar, describing the Barashnūm ceremony. See especially 1a 11, p. 122, note 4, which shows that the unclean person was to stand on the stone or hard substance placed on the “mugh,” while being sprinkled with “gomez,' bull's urine, taken from six of the purifying holes, and the sanctifying water taken from the other three. The reason being that he should not defile the pure earth by the contact of his impure feet.

^{page 475 note 1} Yasna, Mill's, li. 16 (Gātha v.), Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxi. p. 185, note 1Google Scholar.

^{page 475 note 2} The Sanskrit Mahā, where the guttural is softened; hut the hard guttural is retained in the holy name Maghā, derived from a foreign language. In Pali Mahī means the earth, thus giving a further proof that the root Mah in Sanskrit, which appears as Meg or Mag in Greek and Latin, originally meant the mother earth, whose name was expressed by m and a guttural.

^{page 476 note 1} The name also appears in the Sanskrit Mahā, great, and in Mahādeva Siva, who takes the name of his wife Maghā.

^{page 476 note 2} The Etruscan Numerals, by Brown, R., jun., Archæological Review, 07, 1889, pp. 390–392Google Scholar.

^{page 476 note 3} Liddell and Scott, s.v. στργαλος.

^{page 476 note 4} Herod, i. 94, and in Lydia Magnesia was the city sacred to the great mother, whose image was carved on Mount Sipylus near it. Plato, Laws viii. Jowett, vol. v. p. 418, speaks of the Magnetes as the people who consecrated holy seats to local deities, and it is the city of the Magnetes or the mother people which he is trying to restore to its pristine state, Laws xi. Jowett, p. 491, xii. 517, 542.

^{page 476 note 5} This also appears in the form Uni, the Etruscan form of Juno, the moongoddess, who is thus, as the one great goddess of parturition, the mother of the numbers.

^{page 477 note 1} Zimmer, , Altindisches Leben, p. 35Google Scholar.

^{page 477 note 2} Atharvaveda, v. 22. 14.

^{page 477 note 3} Vajasaneya Saṁhita, 30. 5; “heftigen geschrei” is the translation given by Zimmer, and wailing cries or lamentations by M. Monier-Williams, Sanskrit Diet.

^{page 477 note 4} Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 185.

^{page 477 note 5} Atharvaveda, xv. 2. 1, Zimmer, , Altindisches Leben, p. 85Google Scholar.

^{page 477 note 6} This is the Sanskrit equivalent of the Pali Saddhā “faith.”

^{page 477 note 7} Manu, x. 20–22, Burner's, translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxv. pp. 405–406Google Scholar.

^{page 478 note 1} Mahābhārata, Ādi (Rajyalabhu) Parva, ccxii. p. 583.

^{page 478 note 2} Manu, x. 47, Bühler's, translation, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxv. p. 413Google Scholar.

^{page 479 note 1} Rig. iii. 53. 14.

^{page 480 note 1} Part II. J.R.A.S. 04, 1889, pp. 280, 284, 290Google Scholar.