^{page 698 note 1} Revue des Deux Mondes, 1st Sept. 1873, p. 40. Quoted by Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 378.

^{page 701 note 1} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture vi. p. 398.

^{page 701 note 2} Ib. p. 400.

^{page 701 note 3} These records were not only translated, but transliterated from the Akkadian by the Assyrian scribes, who give the pronunciation of the syllabic signs they translate.

^{page 703 note 1} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture i. pp. 32, 33, Lecture iii.

^{page 704 note 1} Amiaud et Mechinseau's Tableau Comparée des Ecritures Babyloniennes et Assyriennes, No. 163, p. 65.

^{page 704 note 2} The stone to which I especially refer in this essay is that called Stone B depicted in Professor Rawlinson's Five Great Monarchies, and copied in Eridanus Eiver and Constellation by R. Brown, jun., F.S.A., Appendix ii. p. 77.

^{page 704 note 3} Eggeling's Satapatha Brāhmaṇna, i. 2. 5. 15, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii. p. 63.

^{page 704 note 4} Ib. iii. 7. 2. 1, vol. xxvi p. 175.

^{page 704 note 5} Ib. i. 2. 5. 14–17, vol. xii. pp. 62–64.

^{page 705 note 1} Ib. iii. 6. 1. 1–11, vol. xxvi. pp. 111–113. Also see Part IV. of my Notes on the Early History of Northern India, J.B.A.S. April, 1890, p. 393, where I show that the thirty and thirty-three refer to the sacred ten lunar months of gestation and the eleven months sacred to the phallic gods, twenty-four to the solar year, and thirty-six to the three strides of Vishnu, the ruling god of the solar-lunar year.

^{page 705 note 2} Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 13, vol. xii. p. 87.

^{page 705 note 3} Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 3. 14, and i. 2. 4. 1, also i. 6. 3. 28, and i. 7. 3. 1–6, where Kudra the phallic god is first excluded from, and afterwards summoned to, the sacrifice in which he gets the sacred butter as his share, vol. xii. pp. 88, 52, 171, 199–201.

^{page 706 note 1} Part IV. of Notes on Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. April, 1890, p. 365, also see pp. 338–350. I have seen reason to alter here the middle god of the second phase of the triad.

^{page 706 note 2} Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3. 4. 1–6, vol. xii. pp. 90, 91.

^{page 707 note 1} Eridanus Hirer and Constellation, by R. Brown, jun., F.S.A., Appendix ii. p. 77.

^{page 707 note 2} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 17.

^{page 707 note 3} Human sacrifices to the mother-earth were universal. I have dealt fully with the subject in Part IV. of this series, J.R.A.S. April, 1890, pp. 374–379. Lenormant, Uhaldæan Magic, p. 231, shows also, from the sacrifice of seven children to the gods of darkness made by Amestus, wife of Xerxes, on the advice of the Magi, that human sacrifices were offered by the mother-worshippers of Irān, who preceded the Zoroastrians.

^{page 708 note 1} Brunnhofer, Irān and Turān, iii. 1. pp. 49, 50.

^{page 708 note 2} The Three Hieroglyphic Systems, by Major C. R. Conder, Archsælogical Review, vol. iii. 2, April, 1889, p. 104, pl. 1.

^{page 708 note 3} Lenorrnant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 152.

^{page 709 note 1} Eggeling'B Ṣat. Brāh. i. 3, 4, 8, p. 92.

^{page 709 note 2} Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Zamyād Yaṣt, x, 66, and West's Bundahis, xxxi. 25, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii. p. 302, and vol. v. p. 136.

^{page 709 note 3} Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Zamyād Yaṣt, i. 2, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii. p. 287, note 6. Brunnhofer, Irān and Turān, iii. 3, p. 83, interprets it as the Mountain of the East, and connects it with Ushas, the dawn, and with the Hindu Ushinara, the father of Shiva, the phallic god.

^{page 709 note 4} Archæological Review, vol. Iii. No. 2, April, 1889. The Three Hieroglyphic Systems, by Major C. R. Conder, p. 110, No. 40.

^{page 709 note 5} Both these signs appear in Amiaud and Mechinseau, Tableau Comparée des Ecritures Babylomennes. The bull sign being No. 229, p. 95.

^{page 710 note 1} Amiaud et Mechinseau, Comparée des Ecritures Babyloniennes, No. 47, p. 18. The wild bull is represented by the sign The three eyes here depicted are again reproduced in the epithet of “the three-eyed god,” applied to Siva in the Māhabhārata, Salya Parva, xlviii. 36, p. 193, No. 48, p. 19.

^{page 710 note 2} This drawing is taken, by the kind permission of the author, from the Tablet of the Thirty Stars, by J. Brown, jun., F.S.A., Proceedings of the Biblical Archæological Society, Feb. 1890, p. 23.

^{page 711 note 1} Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. i. 7. 3. 8, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii. p. 201.

^{page 711 note 2} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture iii. p.166.

^{page 711 note 3} This interpretation has been kindly given to me by Mr. E. Brown, jun., F.S.A.

^{page 711 note 4} W.A.I. 2. 47. 29, Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture iv. p. 233.

^{page 712 note 1} Kosmologie der Babylonier, by P. Jensen, pp. 84, 88.

^{page 713 note 1} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 156.

^{page 713 note 2} Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Ābān Yaṣt, viii. and ix. 29–35; Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. i. 2. 3. 1 and 2, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii. pp. 61, 62, vol. xii. pp. 47, 48.

^{page 713 note 3} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture iii. p. 184, Part I I. of my Notes on the Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. pp. 263–268.

^{page 714 note 1} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture iv. p. 284.

^{page 714 note 2} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 152.

^{page 714 note 3} Part IV. of this series of essays, J.R.A.S. April, 1890, p. 344; Mahābhārata Vana (Markandeya Samāsya) Parva, clxxxvii. pp. 552–556.

^{page 715 note 1} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, pp. 157 and 203.

^{page 715 note 2} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture iii. p. 141, also p. 752 of this Essay.

^{page 715 note 3} The Akkadian pole star was Tur. See Tablet of the Thirty Stars, by R. Brown, jun., F.S.A., Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archæology, Feb. 1890, Part ii., p. 27.

^{page 715 note 4} Part II. of this series of essays, J.E.A.S. April, 1889, pp. 213, 246–249.

^{page 715 note 5} She was the mother of the Ionians (Ιωνες), and the Hebrew Yavan, who were thus the sons of la, as the divine mother.

^{page 716 note 1} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 153.

^{page 716 note 2} Ib. p. 159.

^{page 716 note 3} Gen. iv. 26.

^{page 717 note 1} Ait. Brah. v. 2. 14, Haug's translation, vol. ii. pp. 341, 342, also Part V. of my Notes on the Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. July, 1890, pp. 530–533.

^{page 717 note 2} Dr. Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture ii. p. 141, shows that eight was the number sacred to the Anunaki, or gods of earth. Nine denoted the “igigi,” or gods of heaven. Hence the first fire-god, the earthly fire which preceded that of heaven, was a god of earth.

^{page 718 note 1} The Traditions of the Archaian White Races, by J. S. Stuart Glennie, Trans. Royal Historical Society for 1889, pp 310, 311.

^{page 718 note 2} Mill's Yasnas, Gāitha Uṣtavaiti Yasna xlvi. 12, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxi. p. 141; also Part V. of my Notes on the Early History of Northern India, July, 1890, p. 631. I here argued that Viru was the Hinduized form of the Zend “fry”; but since writing this, I have read Dr. Hermann Brunnhofer's Irān and Turān. He in chap. ii. p. 28 says that, at least in the Sanskrit, a Zend f becomes p. Thus the Zend framātān, a governor, becomes in Sanskrit prámātār. Thus “fry” could not become Viru, but piru. I have already shown numerous instances in which Dravidian roots have been adopted in Sanskrit, and these Dravidian people would at least call themselves by a Dravidian name. This would make the root written as “piru” in Sanskrit the same as the Tamilpeṛu which means “to beget” (Caldwell, Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages, p. 486), and the name would thus mean the “worshippers of the god who is the generator, or father.”

^{page 719 note 1} Savah in the Bundahiṣ is called the Eastern Region, West's Bundahiṣ xi. 3, Sacred Books of the East, vol. v. p. 33.

^{page 719 note 2} The Yādavas, or tribes worshipping la, and living at Dwaraka, were also descended from Rāma, the son of Kohini, the red cow, called Balarāma, or the Strong Rāma. There certainly seems to be a connection between Rām and Rūm, and the name Ram appears to denote the mother-god of the sea-faring people.

^{page 720 note 1} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 347.

^{page 720 note 2} Weber, Ind. Stud. i. 187, quotes Ṣat. Brāh. vii. 5. 1.2, as giving Kasyapa as the name of the sacred tortoise.

^{page 721 note 1} Mahābhārata, Ṣalya (Ṣalya-buddha) Parva, xxxv. 49. p. 140 of Babu Pertap Chunder Roy's translation.

^{page 721 note 2} Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Rām Yaṣt, vii. 27. 28, Zamyād Yaṣt, vii. 41, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxiii. pp. 226, 296.

^{page 721 note 3} West's Bundahiṣ, xxix. 12, comp. xx. 13, Sacred Books of the East, vol. v. pp 120, 129, shows that Ātarō-patakān was the Āriān Vāj of the fire-worshippers, where the mother-river Dāntik rose. But this river, as its name imports, was the second (dait) river, and was that sacred to a race later than the original mother-worshippers, whose sacred river was the Helmend.

^{page 721 note 1} The proof of this identification of Keres in Keresaspa with Greek κρας,‘a horn,’ is given by the Hebrew keren, ‘a horn,’ and the statement in the Zendavesta (Yasna ix. 10, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxxi. p. 233) that Keresaṣpa was the son of Sama or a Semite. The horns were the horns first of the Shuhu, or ibex, next of the goat, and afterwards of the moon-bull, and were first the signs of earthly, and afterwards of heavenly power. It was with this meaning that the horns of the moon-bull were placed on the Jewish altar. The horse was the animal sacred to the Ural-Altaic Finns. See Part IV. of my Notes on the Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. April, 1890. p. 416. I may also here note that Karna, the charioteer king of the Mahābhārata, the great opponent of Krishna, or Vishnu, is probably a reproduction of Keresaspa. Karna was born on the river Asva (the horse), and Karna-s-aspa is precisely the same word as Keresaspa if we substitute the Assyrio-Babylonian form of the word for horn (karni) for the Gr. and Zend form “keres.” See Part V. of this series, J.R.A.S. July, 1890, p. 643.

^{page 722 note 1} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture i. pp. 26, 27.

^{page 722 note 2} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, pp. 238, 333.

^{page 722 note 3} Ib. p. 158.

^{page 723 note 1} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, pp. 393–398.

^{page 723 note 2} Ib. p. 401.

^{page 723 note 3} Ib. 402. Lenormant quotes Ptol. v. 9, Dio Cassius lxviii. 22, Ammian. Marc, xviii. 5. 20, Ritter, Erd-Kunde, vol. x. pp. 118, 158, 247, 696, 718, Layard's Nineveh and Babylon, p. 249.

^{page 723 note 4} Ib. 396, note.

^{page 724 note 1} Brugsch, Geschichte Egyptens, pp. 251, 439. I am indebted for this information to Mr. Evatts, of the Assyrian Department, British Museum.

^{page 724 note 2} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture i. p. 42, note 1.

^{page 724 note 3} This derivation is at least more probable than that given of Horeb in Hebrewdictionaries, where it is said to mean “desert, waste.” Also the Egyptian king could not have been called “the supreme festival.” The meaning “festival” is again directly derived from creation, as it denoted the day sacred to the god who, like all the ancient gods, was a “a creator.” Again, the meaning “fishing” points to the water-god as creator.

^{page 726 note 1} Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, second edition, chap. v. p. 129, also p. 104, note.

^{page 726 note 2} Rg. i. 24. 13.

^{page 726 note 3} Part IV. Notes on the Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. April, 1890, p. 378; Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 7. 1. 8, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxvi. p. 174.

^{page 726 note 4} See illustrations to Lubbock's Prehistoric Times, second edition, pp. 120–121.

^{page 727 note 1} Boyd Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, p. 338.

^{page 727 note 2} Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. i. 5. 3. 16, and ii. 4. 3. 10, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii. pp. 149, 372.

^{page 727 note 3} Ib. i. 7. 3. 5 and 6, pp. 200, 201.

^{page 728 note 1} St. Olaf Hermskungla, 113, quoted by Du Chaillu, Viking Age, vol. i. chap. x. p. 345. Prof. Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, Lecture iv. p. 184, also refers to “the primitive rule of sprinkling or dashing the blood against the altar or allowing it to flow on the ground at its base,” as hardly ever omitted, except on altars not used for animal offerings, like the tables of shew-bread and the altar of Manu. He also says that this practice was not peculiar to the Semites, but was common to the Greeks and Romans and ancient nations generally.

^{page 728 note 2} See the myth of Manu, where he throws the heavenly seed into the waters; to produce Ida the purified earth, Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. i. 6. 3. 23; also Ṣat. Brāh. i. 6. 4. 8–9, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xii. pp. 151 and 177; also Part IV. of my Notes on the Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. April, 1890, pp. 343–344.

^{page 728 note 3} Archæological Review, October, 1888, vol. ii. pp. 102–103.

^{page 729 note 1} Eggeling's Ṣat. Brāh. iii. 7. 2. 3, Sacred Books of the East, vol. xxvi. p. 176.

^{page 729 note 2} I see that Prof. F. W. Rudler proved before the British Association on Sept. 5, 1890, that this assertion must he modified. Prof. Trauhe, of Breslau, has found jade at Jordansmiihl and Reichenstein, in Silesia, and Dr. Berwerth in the valleys of the Mur and Sann, in Styria. Jadeite has also possibly (though this is doubtful) been found at Ouchy, on the Lake of Geneva, and also at Mount Viso, in Piedmont. But there is in the newspaper reports of tbe proceedings no evidence of the existence of workings on a large scale in these places, or of special sanctity being originally attached to jade in Europe, whereas it has always been looked on as sacred in Eastern Asia.

^{page 729 note 3} Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, second ed. p. 155; also Part IV. of my Notes on the Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. April, 1890, pp. 400–402.

^{page 730 note 1} See Penka, Origines Arianse, passim, where the whole argument is an elaborate proof of the truth of this statement.

^{page 730 note 2} For proofs of the following statements relative to the Lake Dwellers see Boyd Dawkins, Early Man in Britain, pp. 266–268, 293, 298, 300–302; also Lubbock, Prehistoric Times, second edition, chap. vi. pp. 166–214.

^{page 730 note 3} It has often struck me as strange that in discussions on the antiquity of civilization more stress has not been laid on the lapse of time proved by the great variety of kinds of cereals, pulses and vegetables. To take rice, I, when Settlement Officer in Central India, had a list of about forty different kinds of rice, most of which I was able to discriminate, as in discussions on the qualities of the soil, the ryots used constantly to point out certain kinds as infallibly indicating certain soils. But the number of kinds of rice is not restricted to forty or fifty. Dealers used to tell me of about two hundred kinds. The exceedingly great antiquity of the cultivation of rice in India is proved by the name “rice” and the Greek oρυζα, both of which are derived from the Tamil “arisi.” Rice was exported to Europe from the ancient sea-ports of Baragyza, the modern Broach and Sūrpāraka (Surat), which were the nead-quarters of the Western trade, and its exports must date from a time when the people in the West of Bombay and at the mouths of the Indus spoke Dravidian tongues, and the Aryan Sanskrit and dialects derived from it were unknown to the country traders. But before a foreign trade began, numerous varieties must have been developed, and the development of these varieties with the culture and agricultural skill necessary for their preservation must have required a vast lapse of time, to be numbered by hundreds if not thousands of years.

^{page 731 note 1} A gentleman who was an accomplished Chinese scholar, but who did not know Corean or Japanese, told me that when on board a steamer going from China to Japan, he found he could make the Japanese and Coreans on board understand him easily by writing what he wanted to say in Chinese characters.

^{page 731 note 2} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture i. pp. 51, 52.

^{page 732 note 1} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p 25.

^{page 732 note 2} See also the dispute between Vandin and Ashtavakra in the Mahābhārata, Vana Parva, cxxxii.–cxxxiv. pp. 396–402, of Babu Pertap Chundra Roy's translation, where each of the disputants seta forth the divine truths vouched for by each of the numbers from one to thirteen (the sacred lunar number), Vandin taking the odd and Ashatavakra the even numbers.

^{page 732 note 3} Like the Peruvian quipus, or knotted threads of diverse colours, which, as Prescott shows (History of Peru, vol. i. fifth ed. pp. 112–114), were used to record national statistics, national stores, numbers of troops, births, deaths, and marriages, as well as annals, and the Indian wampum belts used to record treaties (Ib. p. 115, note). The quipus or knotted cords were also used as recording instruments in China. In the Lushib. of Lohi it is stated that Fuh-hi of the Fung family was the first king who used written documents instead of knotted cords. This is stated in an article by Mr. Allen, Art. IX. J.R.A.S. July, 1890, p. 519. The old Exchequer tallies of England are also survivals of the ancient methods of recording reckonings.

^{page 736 note 1} This custom is quoted from Mansfield Parkyn's Life in Abyssinia by Mr. W. Simpson, in a letter published in Folk-lore, June, 1890, p. 273. This story also embodies a chapter in the history of the evolution of custom, for in Abyssinia the name by which the child is really called is not given to him in church, but by his mother on leaving the church, and this points to the time when it was the mother who was entirely responsible for the child till it was given up to the tribal elders. The story of Kumpelstistskin in Grimm's Household Stories, and the cycle of stories connected with it, and the guessing of names, all furnish evidence oi this wide-spread and deep-seated feeling.

^{page 736 note 1} Gen. xxxii. 29.

^{page 736 note 2} Gen. iv. 26.

^{page 736 note 3} Tylor, Primitive Culture, vol. i. chap, x p. 394.

^{page 736 note 4} See as an instance, Miss Garnett's “Women of Turkey,” Nutt, 1890, p. 349, where she tella how M. Verkovich and the brothers Miladinov in collecting Bulgarian songs, collected 275 from one woman Dafica, of Serres, and 150 from a young girl of Strouga.

^{page 737 note 1} It must be remembered tbat in early times farmers were obliged, like those now living in jungle districts in India, to watch their crops to protect them against the forest deer and pigs.

^{page 740 note 1} The love of the Chinese and Burmese for the drama is too well known to make it necessary for me to do more than allude to it. I may also point out that the Bengalis are as fond ot plays as their Burmese cousins. The Bengali proverbs are especially numerous and striking.

^{page 742 note 1} Mahābhārata, Vana (Drupada-harana) Parva, colxxvi.–ccxci. pp. 811–863.

^{page 742 note 2} The year chariot is in the cosmological hymn of the Rigveda, i. 164, 11–15, represented as haying one wheel. In the name Dasaratha each month is represented as a one-wheeled chariot.

^{page 743 note 1} Sita originally appears to have been the furrow (tie Pali sita ‘a furrow’) in which seed is sown, but became the moon, or rather its path, when the moon was made the heavenly bull, or cow who ploughed the plains of heaven, and marked out the course of the year.

^{page 744 note 1} Caldwell, Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Languages, p. 489.

^{page 744 note 2} Vana (Draupadi-harana) Parva, cclxxx. p. 828.

^{page 745 note 1} Mahābhārata, Adi (Chaitra rathā) Parva, clxix. pp. 479–483.

^{page 745 note 2} Mahābhārata, Vana (Nalo-pakhyana) Parva, meaning the section devoted to “the ripening of Nalo,” lii.–lxxix. pp. 157–234.

^{page 746 note 1} Part II. of my Notes oil the Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. April, 1889, p. 321.

^{page 747 note 1} Encyclopædia Britannica, vol. xvii. p. 844; Aratus, The Phainomena or Heavenly Display, translated by R. Brown, jun., F.S.A., 635–646, p. 61, tells how Artemis sent the scorpion, the Zodiacal sign of the early autumn, to kill Orion, but that Orion instead slew him, and that henceforth the constellation Orion flies, that is, sinks, below the horizon when the scorpion appears.

^{page 747 note 2} Part II. Notes on the Early History of Northern India, J.R.A.S. April 1889, pp. 320 and 297.

^{page 747 note 3} May not this be connected “with the Babylonian Ner, or great period of 600 years? Thus Narada would represent the accumulated wisdom of ages.

^{page 748 note 1} Vana (Nalopakhyana) Parva, Ixxi. pp. 212–214.

^{page 748 note 2} The Terminalia Bellerica, called in the vernacular Arjuna, the tree which produces the Myrobolans of commerce.

^{page 749 note 1} Vana (Nalo-pakhyana) Parva, lxiiy. lxxv. pp. 220–224.

^{page 751 note 1} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, pp. 188, 189, identifies Iz-dhubar (the mass of fire), the sua-god of the solar epic, with “Bar” or “Bil-gi,” the Akkadian fire-god.

^{page 752 note 1} En-nugi has exactly the same meaning as Mul-nugi, as both En and Mul mean lord. Nugi in Akkadian means “of no return”; but Mul-nugi, besides being “lord of no return” or of the lower world, is also, as Dr. Sayce has shown, the moon-god of Nipur and the eldest son of Mul-lil the lord of the dust (lil) or the earth-god, and is in one of the deluge tablets with which I am now dealing called, as eldest son of Mul-lil, Mul-nugi (Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture iii. pp. 164, 155). I have in Part III. of this series of papers (J.R.A.S. July, 1889) suggested that “Nugi” was probably used by the successors of the Akkadians, or else by the Akkadians themselves, as a name meaning snakes, and that it came to mean the snake gods, the Nagas of the Hindus, and the Naga or snakes depicted on the Parthian banners. Thus En-nugi would mean the earth-god, the lord of the Nugs, the Great Nahusha of the Hindus.

^{page 752 note 2} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture ii. p. 14, note 1, gives “first-born”as the meaning of Zag.

^{page 752 note 3} Ib. Lecture iii. p. 141, note, says the “igigi” or spirits of heaven were denoted in Akkadian by the number nine, that sacred to Vishnu, thus giving further proof of the connection between the Akkadian la, the Hindu Yadavas or worshippers of Ya and Vishnu who was their god.

^{page 752 note 4} Lenormant, Chaldæan Magic, p. 397.

^{page 753 note 1} This whole account of the deluge I have taken from P. Jensen's Babylonische Kosmologie, Strasburg, Triibner, 1890, pp. 375–383.

^{page 754 note 1} Robertson Smith, Religion of the Semites, part i. 1890, p. 448.

^{page 754 note 2} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture IV. p. 285.

^{page 754 note 3} II. Sam. xix. 1.

^{page 754 note 4} Sayce,.Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture iii. pp. 163, 164.

^{page 755 note 1} Franz Delitzsch on Genesis, Clark's Foreign Theological Library, vol. xxxv. fifth edition, 1887, p. 170.

^{page 755 note 2} See Smith's Dictionary of the Bible, p. 384, s.v. Dan.; Part V. of this Series, J.R.A.S. July, 1890, p. 541; Darmesteter's Zendavesta, Ashi and Zamyad Yasts, 41 and 43, and 74 and 77, pp. 278, 303, 304, and Part II. of this Series, J.R.A.S. April, 1889, pp. 256–262.

^{page 756 note 1} That Babylonian signs were used by the people of Palestine is proved by the Cuneiform tablets found at Tell-el-Amarna in Egypt, containing Cuneiform reports from Palestine.

^{page 756 note 2} That the teraphim were phallic emblems is made exceedingly probable by I. Samuel xix. 13–17, where the story is told of how he put the teraphim, with a pillow of goat's hair, to represent David in bed.

^{page 756 note 3} Sayce, Hibbert Lectures for 1887, Lecture iii. p. 181.

^{page 757 note 1} Ib. Lecture i. p. 51.

^{page 757 note 2} Gen. xxxii. 29–30.

^{page 757 note 3} Gen. xxxv. 4.

^{page 757 note 4} Her name, as Dr. Smith shows in the Dictionary of the Bible, p. 384, is very like that of Dan, and thus she would be the female form of the male Danu, united to the Ephraimites of Shechem, and the feud between them and Simeon and Levi, recorded in Genesis, is merely another form of the enmity against the sons of Joseph shown in the story of Joseph and his brethren.

^{page 757 note 5} Mahābhārata, Ādi (Sambhava) Parva, cxvi. p. 341.

^{page 757 note 6} Gen. xxxvii. 6–9.