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In April, 1939, Professor E. H. Johnston published an article in this Journal in which he argued that there never was a Demetrias in Sind, and it is advisable to see what his evidence comes to. The new critical edition of the Mahābhārata which he cites shows that the name Dattāmitra in the epic is not that of the Yavana king, and it seems to follow that the existence of this Demetrias is no longer the certainty which historians have for some time taken it to be. But it is a long step from this to an assertion that Demetrias never existed; between absolute positive and absolute negative in history there often lie various degrees of probability, and in this case they require to be examined.
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References
page 179 note 1 “Demetrias in Sind ?” JRAS., 1939, p. 217.
page 179 note 2 Luders, H., Berlin S B, 1920, p. 55Google Scholar.
page 180 note 1 Rapson, E. J., “Coins of the Andhra Dynasty,” B.M. Coin Cat., 1908, pp. lx, cxixGoogle Scholar; Johnston, pp. 228 sqq.
page 180 note 2 Tarn, , The Greeks in Bactria and India, 1938, pp. 147 sqq., 233 sqq.Google Scholar
page 180 note 3 References, Tarn, op. cit., p. 170.
page 180 note 4 Epig. Ind., xvi, pp. 15–17; see Smith, V. A., Early History of India, 4th ed., p. 97, n. 2Google Scholar.
page 181 note 1 Diodorus, xvii, 104, 2: αὕτη (Patala) δτν πολίτειαν εἶχε διατεταγμνην μοίως τῇ Σπρτῃ, πò δπò δο γρ οἴκων ν αὐτῇ διεδχοντο δνο βασιλεῖς. To most of the original Greek sources, moreover, Patala is a plural name, τ Πταλα: Arrian, vi, 17, 4 sqq. (Ptolemy or Aristobulus); ibid., vi, 21, 3 (Nearchus); Strabo, xv, 701 (probably Aristobulus but possibly Onesicritus).
page 181 note 2 Patala is called πίσημος Diod., xvii, 104, 1, and ξιóλογος, Strabo, xv, 701.
page 181 note 3 Arrian, vi, 17, 5–6.
page 181 note 4 Nearchus in Strabo, xv, 721.
page 181 note 5 A small work belonging to the latest strata of the Pali Canon: Winternitz, , Gesch. der indischen Literatur, ii, p. 77Google Scholar.
page 182 note 1 Thus the official names of two important cities, Bactra and Prophthasia, are only known from Chinese sources.
page 183 note 1 Tarn, op. cit., pp. 13–16.
page 183 note 2 Lévi, S., JA., 1933, p. 27, n. 1Google Scholar; Tarn, op. cit., 118 sq. See my forthcoming article “Tarmita” in JHS., 1940.
page 183 note 3 Winternitz, op. cit., iii, p. 393.
page 184 note 1 Arr., vi, 18, 2.
page 184 note 2 Ibid., vi, 20, 1.
page 184 note 3 Tarn, op. cit., p. 94 and references.
page 184 note 4 This follows from the principles worked out at length in chap, i of my Bactria and India. The dynastic names of most Greek poleis in India (Alexandria-Kapisa, Alexandria-Iomousa, Alexandria-Bucephala, Theophila) are known; the one exception, Pushkalāvatī, which Alexander did not make a polis, is due to it never being mentioned in subsequent Greek literature.
page 184 note 5 Pliny, vi, 100; see Tarn, op. cit., pp. 368 sqq.
page 184 note 6 Tarn, op. cit., pp. 131–2, 181, and passim. I could add a good deal now about νίκητος.
page 184 note 7 The only alternative as regards the port, the Sacas, did not create new poleis.
page 185 note 1 Archæological Survey of Western India, iv, 1883, p. 114Google Scholar.
page 185 note 2 Epig. Ind., viii, 1905–1906, p. 90Google Scholar, no. 18.
page 185 note 3 Why Dr. Johnston (p. 235) says I overlooked the significance of otarāha I cannot think, seeing that I stressed it; see pp. 257 and 372 in my book.
page 186 note 1 Also I did not know of the late instances of the use of Yonaka.
page 186 note 2 Stein, O., Indian Culture, i, p. 351Google Scholar: “To the end of the first century a.d. may (my italics) belong Nasik, i, no. 18, as it shows palæographical forms like Usavadāta's Nasik, i, No. 11.”
page 186 note 3 Tarn, op. cit., p. 457 and references. Since then, a new publication of the text by Barua, B. M., Ind. Hist. Quarterly, xiv, 1938, p. 459Google Scholar, suggests that it is not earlier than the first century a.d.
page 186 note 4 See my discussion of the pepper trade, op. cit., pp. 370–3. I put the beginning of the substantial export of Indian pepper not later than c. 100 b.c., and perhaps rather earlier. Otto, W., Gesch. des Niederganges des Ptolemäerreiches, 1938, p. 211, n. 3Google Scholar, would date it from the voyage of Eudoxus, 117 b.c.
page 187 note 1 Karli, no. 10: Dhenukākatā Dhammayavanasa.
page 187 note 2 Tarn, op. cit., pp. 255–7.
page 187 note 3 Stein, op. cit., p. 347. So Goshal, U. N., IHQ., xiv, 1938, p. 862Google Scholar.
page 187 note 4 Burgess, op. cit., p. 91.
page 187 note 5 See the Kalawān copperplate: Konow, Sten, JRAS., 1932, p. 949Google Scholar.
page 188 note 1 Johnston, p. 236: Professor H. W. Bailey in a letter to me. Dr. Sten Konow also told me that he would not stress this form.
page 188 note 2 It would be interesting to know if this Indian usage be connected with the usage in North Iranian languages of sometimes adding a -k- syllable, græcized as — κης, to proper names, as e.g. the Saca Maues-Mauakes and the Parthian Phraates-Phraatakes.
page 188 note 3 Tarn, op. cit., pp. 341, 418, and references; and for the sound p. 340, n. 4.
page 189 note 1 I gave all that is necessary, op. cit., p. 419, n. 4. Whether the Mānasāra really alludes to the Hellenistic arrangement, as has been claimed, I do not know; but it is quite immaterial, as it is many centuries later than the Greek period or than the Milindapañha.