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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
Even before gaining independence in December 1991 from the former USSR, Ukraine had supported Slovenia and Croatia's drive to independence from the former Yugoslavia. In May 1991, Croatian President Franjo Tudjman paid an official visit to Ukraine where then parliamentary speaker Leonid Kravchuk expressed sympathy with Croatia's desire for independence. Tudjman pointed out how Ukraine's seat at the United Nations had given it a head start in obtaining international recognition of its independent status. On 12 December 1991, twelve days after the Ukrainian referendum on independence, Kyiv became one of the first states to diplomatically recognise Croatia and Slovenia; and further, it announced its readiness to open embassies in both countries. Ukraine was the first member of the U.N. to recognise Croatia; the second and third countries, Slovenia and Lithuania, were not members of the U.N. when they recognised Croatia.
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3. Until 1994 the majority of Western academics, journalists and government officials all shared the view that Ukraine and Russia were indeed one and the same and that Ukrainian indepedence was a “temporary phenomenon.” Sooner or later, therefore, Ukraine would return to its “normal” state of affairs as a satellite of Russia, or it would be re-incorporated. This view is still held by the majority of Russian public opinion.Google Scholar
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6. Jonathan Eyal, “Minority Problems in Eastern Europe,” General Seminar Series, Centre for Russian and East European Studies, The University of Birmingham, 1 November 1995. The Russian media immediately understood this as well, pointing to the regulation of the Bosnian conflict as something which could be applied to the CIS.Google Scholar
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8. This mainly revolved around domestic questions. With regard to the former Yugoslavia, members of Rukh had no difficulty cooperating with members of the pro-Kravchuk Ukrainian Republican Party within parliamentary commissions or as a member together in foreign delegations.Google Scholar
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15. In contrast, the Ukrainian media (including Russian-language publications) had all taken a pro-Chechen position.Google Scholar
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46. Many accusations of Ukrainian sanction busting made by the Western media have since been proved to be performed by Russians. A U.N. inspection team later confirmed that there was no evidence that Ukraine had violated U.N. sanctions against Yugoslavia. However, these accusations led to the circulation of instructions by the Cabinet of Ministers to relevant government agencies to secure the implementation of these sanctions. Many of the shipments affected by these measures were of petroleum products by Russia, Bulgaria, Greece, Cyprus and Turkey to Austria, Bosnia-Hercegovina, Croatia, the Czech Republic and Slovakia along the Danube river. A group attempting to smuggle more than four tons of ammunition to Croatia was arrested by the Ukrainian authorities, who seized their plane and cargo.Google Scholar
Ukrainian weapons have also been illegally supplied to the Croats and Bosnian Muslims (possibly with the U.S. government turning a blind eye).Google Scholar
47. U. Markus, “Ukraine and the Yugoslav Conflict,” RFE/RL Research Report, Vol. 2, No. 30, 23 July 1993, pp. 39–41. Molod Ukrainy, 14 May 1993; and Moscow News, 4 June 1993 claimed that Ukrainian losses due to the sanctions by mid-1993 amounted to $2 billion.Google Scholar
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52. Tanjug News Agency, 7 May 1995.Google Scholar
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60. Shliakh Peremohy, 27 May 1995: See appendix for a breakdown of the terror inflicted on Ukrainians and Rusyns in Croatia by the Serbs.Google Scholar
61. Interview with Mykhailo Honchar, Senior Research Fellow, National Institute for Strategic Studies (National Security Council), Kyiv, 29 November 1995.Google Scholar
