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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 20 November 2018
In late February 1947, Stalin's trusted troubleshooter Lazar' Kaganovich arrived in Kiev as the Ukrainian Communist Party's new first secretary. Having served consecutively as the Soviet People's Commissar of Railroad Transport, Heavy Industry, and Construction Materials, the notoriously heavy-handed Kaganovich had earned the epithet of zheleznyi narkom (“iron minister”). His tenure at the head of the Ukrainian party organization in March–December 1947 was marked by intensified coercive intervention in the economy and ideological purges in culture and scholarship. In Ukraine, Kaganovich's brief rule is remembered primarily for his relentless attacks on the alleged remnants of “Ukrainian bourgeois nationalism.” In the works of post-Soviet Ukrainian historians, the 1947 crusade against “nationalism” appears as a comprehensive campaign masterminded by Stalin, planned by his envoy Kaganovich, faithfully implemented by the servile republican functionaries, and submissively endured by the terrorized Ukrainian intellectuals. Clearly, modern Ukrainian historians have adopted the traditional Western concept of Stalinism as a successful totalitarian dictatorship, in which society was no more than a passive object of an all-powerful state.
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2. Bakhtin has argued that all language is expressive of social relations, hence all texts are organized as a dialogue that takes account of their perception in a given society. Taking Bakhtin's theory a step further, Jameson has shown, in his analysis of seventeenth-century Anglicanism, that the perpetual propaganda of hegemonic discourse actually indicates the impossibility of achieving complete ideological hegemony in any society. Although we hear only one hegemonic voice, the hegemonic discourse always remains locked in dialogue with a suppressed counter-discourse. This dialogue is made possible by what Jameson calls the unity of a shared code—a shared language and a common set of assumptions. See M. M. Bakhtin, The Dialogical Imagination: Four Essays , trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist, ed. Michael Holquist (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1981); Michael Holquist, Dialogism: Bakhtin and His World (New York: Routledge, 1990); Fredric Jameson, The Political Unconscious: Narrative as a Socially Symbolic Act (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1981).Google Scholar
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7. The classic account of the developments around the History of the Kazakh SSR is in Tillett, The Great Friendship, pp. 70–83. The newly available archives of the VKP(b) Central Committee reveal that the book was nominated for a Stalin Prize, but the reviewer Aleksei Iakovlev objected to its glorification of anti-Russian uprisings in Kazakhstan as heroic anti-colonial struggles. The book's co-editor, Anna Pankratova, complained to the Central Committee's Administration of Agitation and Propaganda. However, the Administration's head, Georgii Aleksandrov, only condemned the work even more vigorously as “anti-Russian.” See Rossiiskii tsentr khraneniia i izucheniia dokumentov noveishei istorii (hereafter RTsKhlDNI), fond 17, opis' 125, delo 224, listy 4, 23–25, 36–43.Google Scholar
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10. This is argued in more detail in Serhy Yekelchyk, “Celebrating the Soviet Present: The Zhdanovshchina Campaign in Ukrainian Literature and the Arts, 1946–48,” in Donald J. Raleigh, ed., Provincial Landscapes: Local Dimensions of the Soviet Power, 1917–1953 (University of Pittsburgh Press, forthcoming).Google Scholar
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13. The photograph of Kaganovich's copy of the protocol is reproduced in Lazar' Kaganovich, Pamiatnye zapiski (Moscow: Vagrius, 1995), between Pp. 288 and 289. Ponomarenko recalled that Stalin had decided to divide the offices of party leader and premier in Ukraine, Belarus, and at the federal level because combining them was “no longer necessary” after the war. Then, however, Stalin announced that he would “temporarily” continue holding both positions. See “Otvet P. K. Ponomarenko na voprosy G. A. Kumaneva 2 noiabria 1978 g.,” Otechestvennaia istoriia, No. 6, 1998, pp. 133–149, here pp. 148–149.Google Scholar
14. N. S. Khrushchev, Khrushchev Remembers , trans. and ed. Strobe Talbott (Boston: Little ∧ Brown, 1970), p. 242. Kaganovich's account of his second appointment in Ukraine is in Pamiatnye zapiski, pp. 487–94.Google Scholar
15. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 6, spr. 1036, ark. 17. It is not clear just how Kryp”iakevych managed to continue his career under Soviet power after the war. A recent Ukrainian documentary publication suggests that either before or during the war he had been the Soviet secret police's informant in Western Ukrainian ecclesiastical and intellectual circles. In the autumn of 1944, the NKVD “re-established” contacts with him. See Iurii Slyvka, ed., Kul'turne zhyttia v Ukraini: zakhidni zemli: dokumenty i materialy Vol. 1:1939–1953 (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1995), p. 217.Google Scholar
16. Naukovyi arkhiv Instytutu istorii Ukrainy Natsional'noi akademii nauk Ukrainy (hereafter NAIIU), op. 1, spr. 95, ark. 3 (plan for 1947); spr. 215, ark. 1–13 (report for 1946–1950).Google Scholar
17. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 8, spr. 316, ark. 27. Interestingly, the same decree envisaged a conference of literary historians to be held in late May, but the authorities apparently abandoned the idea after the historians' meeting.Google Scholar
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19. Dmytro Manuil's'kyi (1883–1959) belonged to a small group of well-educated “old Bolsheviks” who survived the Great Purges. Even within this handful of Bolshevik intellectuals, he was probably the only Lenin appointee still enjoying a position of authority after the Second World War. Manuil's'kyi studied at St Petersburg University and received a law degree from the Sorbonne (1911). After briefly serving as the Ukrainian Communist Party's general secretary in 1921–1922, he moved to Moscow as secretary of the Comintern's Executive Committee. In 1944–1950, Manuil's'kyi served as the Ukrainian republic's minister of foreign affairs, deputy premier, and head of the Ukrainian delegation to the U.N.Google Scholar
20. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 753, ark. 1–2 (Manuil's'kyi), 4–6 (Los'). Excerpts from the conference minutes have been recently published in V. A. Smolii, ed., U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu: pershe dvadtsiatyrichchia Instytutu istorii Ukrainy NAN Ukrainy (1936–1956 rr.): zbirnyk dokumentiv i materially (Kiev: Instytut istorii Ukrainy NANU, 1996), Part 2, pp. 31–72, here 31–35.Google Scholar
21. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 753, ark. 14–27 (Petrovs'kyi), 36–38 (Brychkevych), 37 (Kaganovich); U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu, 2:38–40 (Petrovs'kyi's speech is not published). Mykola Petrovs'kyi (1894–1951) belonged to the so-called “old specialists.” A priest's son, he received his education before the revolution, briefly worked with Hrushevs'kyi during the 1920s, and was never admitted into the party. In 1942–1947, he served as director of the Institute of History of Ukraine; in 1944–1947, also as chair of Ukrainian history at Kiev University, corresponding member of the Ukrainian SSR Academy of Sciences (1945), member of the Ukrainian delegation to the U.N. Assembly in San Francisco (1945) and London (1946), as well as at the Paris Peace Conference (1946). See NAIIU, op. 1L, spr. 115; V. A. Smolii, ed., Vcheni Instytutu istorii Ukrainy: biobibliohrafichnyi dovidnyk (Kiev: Instytut istorii Ukrainy NANU, 1998), pp. 249–250.Google Scholar
22. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 753, ark. 47; U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu, 2: 41. Kaganovich had attended only the session on 29 April. Manuil's'kyi and secretary for ideology Kost' Lytvyn represented the Central Committee during the 30 April and 6 May sessions.Google Scholar
23. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 753, ark. 59–62, 82–83, 99, 166 (Petrovs'kyi), 248–250 (Huslystyi), 159–160 (Rubach). Mikhail Pokrovskii: the leading Russian Marxist historian during the first decade after the revolution. After the Stalinist “Revolution from Above,” he was denounced posthumously for “abstract sociologism.”Google Scholar
24. Ibid., 113–115 (Rubach), 139 (Bortnikov), 254 (Huslystyi).Google Scholar
25. Ibid, ark. 255 (Huslystyi), 139–152 (Bortnikov).Google Scholar
26. Ibid., 262–263; U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu, Part 2, p. 60. The Soviet government created the Order of Bohdan Khmel'nyts'kyi—the only Soviet military order named after a non-Russian historic hero—on 10 October 1943. See Pravda, 11 October 1943, p. 1.Google Scholar
27. K. Litvin [Lytvyn], “Ob istorii ukrainskogo naroda,” Bol'shevik , No. 7, 1947, pp. 41–56, here p. 52.Google Scholar
28. TsDAHO, See, f. 1, op. 1, spr. 729, ark. 138–141 (Lytvyn's speech at the August 1946 plenary meeting of the Ukrainian Communist Party Central Committee).Google Scholar
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30. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 753, ark. 261–262; U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu , Part 2, p. 59. During this argument, Lytvyn spoke Russian and Huslystyi spoke Ukrainian.Google Scholar
31. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 753, ark. 311; U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu , Part 2, pp. 70–71.Google Scholar
32. Alexei Kojevnikov has shown that Soviet scientists successfully used the official Stalinist rituals of criticism and self-criticism to advance their own scholarly or personal agendas. See his “Rituals of Stalinist Culture at Work: Science and the Games of Intraparty Democracy circa 1948,” Russian Review, Vol. 57, No. 1, 1998, pp. 25–52.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
33. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 757, ark. 49 (Stetsiuk), 68 (Sluts'kyi).Google Scholar
34. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 536, ark. 4 (memo); spr. 754, ark. 8–10zv (resumes).Google Scholar
35. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 16, spr. 32, ark. 47 (approved in principle, reported to Moscow on 28 May), 48 (title; decision to revise the draft), 49zv (Kaganovich's note). Manuil'skyi's personal archive preserved what seems to be the first working draft of the lost anti-“nationalist” resolution. The file contains Manuil'skyi's notes apparently made during the meeting with Kaganovich or the session of the Politburo and his later draft developing these ideas. Aside from general ideological pronouncements after the 1946 model, the text contains few concrete accusations. See Tsentral'nyi derzhavnyi arkhiv vyshchykh orhaniv vlady i upravlinnia Ukrainy (hereafter TSDAVOV), f. 4669, op. 1, spr. 44, ark. 24–29 (draft), 30–39 (notes).Google Scholar
36. Shapoval, See, Ukraina 20–50-kh rokiv, p. 271–72 and Lazar Kahanovych, p. 40; Zamlyns'ka, “Ideolohichnyi teror,” pp. 79–80. At the 22nd Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1962, the then Ukrainian first secretary, Mykola Pidhirny, reported that “As a great master of intrigue and provocation, [Kaganovich] had entirely groundlessly accused the republic's leading writers and also some top-rank party workers of nationalism. On his directives, the press carried annihilating articles against the writers, who were devoted to the party and the people. But this did not satisfy Kaganovich. He began pushing for a plenary meeting of the Central Committee with the agenda ‘The Struggle against Nationalism, the Main Danger within the CP(b)U,’ although such danger did not exist at all. And could not have existed, for, happily for us, the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine had long been headed by the staunch Leninist Nikita Sergeevich Khrushchev, who educated the communists and the Ukrainian people in the spirit of internationalism (stormy applause), friendship of peoples, selfless devotion to the great ideas of Leninism (prolonged stormy applause).” See XXII s”ezd Kommunisticheskoi partii Sovetskogo Soiuza, 17–31 oktiabria 1961 g.: stenograficheskii otchet (Moscow: Gospolitizdat, 1962), Vol. 1, p. 280. Pidhirny went on to say that Khrushchev had destroyed Kaganovich's evil plans. Ukrainian historians usually take both the legend and Pidhirny's words at their face value. In contrast, David Marples treats Pidhirny's pronouncements judiciously and warns that the “image of a mild Khrushchev trying to prevent Kaganovich's repressive policies is essentially a myth.” See Marples, “Khrushchev, Kaganovich and the 1947 Crisis,” pp. 90–96, here 90.Google Scholar
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39. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 8, spr. 328, ark. 6–7.Google Scholar
40. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 6, spr. 1073, ark. 16–24. Published in I. F. Kuras, ed., Natsional'ni vidnosyny v Ukraini u XX st.: zbirnyk dokumentiv i materiallv (Kiev: Naukova dumka, 1994), pp. 291–96 and U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu, Part 2, pp. 80–89. Manuil's'kyi's drafts are in TSDAVOV, f. 4669, op. 1, spr. 23, ark. 47–55; the variants of the final draft prepared by the apparatus of the Central Committee, are in TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 980, ark. 3–9.Google Scholar
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43. Ibid., ark. 23. Ukrainian history was not offered as a separate school subject until the 1960s. However, the course on the “History of the USSR” covered the major problems of the Ukrainian prerevolutionary past inasmuch as they related to Russian history.Google Scholar
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50. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 744, ark. 52–56; U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu, 2:104–108. The party committee of Kiev University, where Petrovs'kyi served as chair of the History of Ukraine, reacted more eagerly: it “established control” over the professor's lectures. See TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 744, ark. 82–83zv.Google Scholar
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56. Ibid., ark. 25–26.Google Scholar
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58. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 8, spr. 340, ark. 13–14; U leshchatakh totalitaryzmu , Part 2, pp. 119–120.Google Scholar
59. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 762, ark. 1–20 (draft); spr. 763, ark. 1 (Petrovs'kyi's letter), 2–22 (draft), 24–35 (new draft), spr. 764, ark. 1–25 (another copy of a new draft). Kasymenko was appointed director on 25 October 1947 and would remain at this post until 1964. He graduated from the Poltava Institute of People's Education in 1926 and before the war taught in Poltava and Zhytomyr. During the war, Kasymenko worked in the apparatus of the Ukrainian Central Committee and in 1945–1947 in the republican Ministry of Foreign Affairs. He would publish his first book, The Reunification of Ukraine with Russia and Its Historic Significance, only in 1954. See Smolii, ed., Vcheni Instytutu istorii Ukrainy, pp. 124–125.Google Scholar
60. The offices of the Central Committee's first secretary and premier remained separated. Khrushchev's client Dem”ian Korotchenko became Ukraine's new chairman of the Council of Ministers.Google Scholar
61. XVI z”izd Koministychnoi Partii (bil'shovykiv) Ukrainy 25–28 sichnia 1949 r.: materialy z”izdu (Kiev: Derzhavne vydavnytstvo politychnoi literatury URSR, 1949), p. 46. Note that Khrushchev got the name of the Institute of Ukrainian Literature wrong when he first mentioned it. The editors apparently missed the discrepancy.Google Scholar
62. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 23, spr. 4956, ark. 1–5.Google Scholar
63. Radians'ka Ukraina , 8 October 1947, pp. 2–3. Unfortunately, the first series of anonymous letters is missing from the folder in the archives of the Central Committee, being apparently forwarded to the Ministry of State Security. As more anonymous letters followed, the editor started making copies for his party superiors as well. Ivan Mazepa: the Cossack hetman who, in the early eighteenth century, concluded a union against tsar Peter I with the Swedish king Charles XII. Symon Petliura: one of the leaders of the Ukrainian revolution of 1917–1920. Dmytro Dontsov: the leading theoretician of Ukrainian nationalism in the early twentieth century. Ievhen Konovalets': prewar head of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists.Google Scholar
64. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 23, spr. 4957, ark. 3. Incidentally, Dniprodzerzhyns'k was known to be a heavily Russified industrial settlement with little if any Ukrainian cultural life. Leonid Brezhnev was born and started his political career there.Google Scholar
65. Ibid., ark. 4–8.Google Scholar
66. Ibid., ark. 2.Google Scholar
67. Ibid., ark. 10–21.Google Scholar
68. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 70, spr. 387, ark. 18. Both Doroshenko and Mazepa fought against Muscovy and were considered “traitors” in Russian historiography.Google Scholar
69. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 23, spr. 4956, ark. 6–7.Google Scholar
70. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 23, spr. 5072, ark. 13.Google Scholar
71. Ibid., ark. 24–25.Google Scholar
72. Ibid., ark. 26–28, 42.Google Scholar
73. Ibid., ark. 46–48.Google Scholar
74. TsDAHO, f. 1, op. 23, spr. 4958, ark. 22.Google Scholar
75. Ibid., ark. 27–31.Google Scholar
