^{Note 1 in page 1102} By A. P. I. Samuels, Early Life, Correspondence, and Writings of Burke (Cambridge, England, 1923); following Samuels's investigation some of the original documents were destroyed by the burning of the Dublin Public Record Office in the riots of 1922.

^{Note 2 in page 1102} Samuels, op. cit., p. 219. I believe no one has pointed out a possible allusion to the great earthquake scare of April, 1750, in and about London, in Burke's The Sublime and Beautiful, i, xv, in the discussion of terror and curiosity; cf. The Gentleman's Magazine (1750), xx, 184. According to evidence cited below, Burke was then engaged in desultory work upon this essay.

^{Note 3 in page 1102} Hardy's Memoirs of Lord Charlemont (London, 1812), i, 119, and Correspondence of Burke, ed. Fitzwilliam and Bourke (London, 1844), I, 36 and n. 3, hereafter referred to as Fitzwilliam Correspondence.

^{Note 4 in page 1102} Burke, English Men of Letters ed., p. 8.

^{Note 5 in page 1102} Correspondence of Burke with Dr. F. Laurence (London, 1827), p. 291.

^{Note 6 in page 1103} Captain, later General, William Cuppage is described as “my kinsman & namesake” in William Burke's will, of which he was an executor and the residuary legatee. This will, dated 13 October, 1795, may be found in Somerset House (vol. “Walpole 569”); following William Burke's death, it was proved on 27 August, 1798.

^{Note 7 in page 1103} Fitzwilliam Correspondence, i, 317; at this time Dr. Markham was Bishop of Chester. Burke's reference to “my seat in Parliament” recalls the fact that William Burke introduced him to Lord Verney, through whose interest Edmund obtained his return for Wendover.

^{Note 8 in page 1103} Memoirs of Sir Philip Francis, ed. Parkes (London, 1867), ii, 103–104.

^{Note 9 in page 1103} A native of County Mayo, but long settled in London as a merchant; he enjoyed, it appears, a considerable intimacy with both Edmund and William Burke—see a letter to him from the former in Fitzwilliam Correspondence, II, 109. William Burke in his own letter to Francis, September 1, 1777, speaks of Edmund Burke and John Bourke as “my two kinsmen,” ibid., ii, 179. A certain Irish warmth and exaggeration entered into all these statements; thus Edmund Burke's avowal that William is his “oldest” friend forgets Shackleton, Dennis, and others who figure in his schooldays long before there is any mention of William Burke.

^{Note 10 in page 1104} Memoirs of Francis, ii, 100.

^{Note 11 in page 1104} Bisset, Life of Burke (London, 1798), p. 581.

^{Note 12 in page 1104} Fitzwilliam Correspondence, i, 283, 300, and 323.

^{Note 13 in page 1104} Memoir of Burke (London, 1854), p. 491. On 26 November, 1783, in answering Lord Vemey's Bill in Chancery which charged that Edmund Burke's “cousin or other relation” William Burke had borrowed but never repaid a sum of £6000 for his kinsman's use, the statesman himself declared upon oath: “And this Defendant further saith, that he does not know nor can form any distinct opinion of what degree of relation (if any) William Burke in the Bill named may stand to this Defendant, but that he does believe that their fathers did sometimes call each other cousins, but has no other occasion to believe that they are of kindred” (q. in C. W. Dilke, Papers of a Critic, London, 1875, ii, 369–370). This disclaimer of responsibility in William Burke's financial affairs and of definite kinship with him— made at a time when the latter was far away in India, and under a cloud of suspicion respecting his business integrity—is rather in contrast to the warm professions of interest, obligation, and blood-relationship which Edmund Burke made at other times. According to Mrs. Agmondesham Vesey, a good friend of the Burkes, Edmund and William “have long made one common purse” (letter of 28 May, 1777, in Reginald Blunt, Mrs. Montagu, Queen of the Blues, Boston and New York, ii, 23); Verney evidently suspected the same thing in filing his Chancery Bill mentioned above, but was unable legally to prove his case.

^{Note 14 in page 1105} William Burke at this time was M. P. for Great Bedwin; hence his prerogative of franking letters. See Welch, Alumni Westmonasterii (London, 1852), p. 341.

^{Note 15 in page 1105} Prior, p. 32. C. W. Dilke, Papers of a Critic (London, 1875), ii, 362–363, notes that one finds a mention of “Mr. Burke of Serjeants' Inn, relation of Mr. Burke of Jamaica,” in a letter of 9 December, 1752, apropos of Dr. Delany's marriage settlement on his first wife, in Autobiography . . . of Mrs. Delany (London, 1861), iii, 180. Like the majority of Burkes in this generation, Mr. Burke of Jamaica seems to have been financially embarrassed, since, upon news of his death, all his effects were seized for rent by his London landlord. A search through Colonial Papers, America and West Indies, and unpublished records in the Public Record Office reveals the presence of various Burkes in the mid-eighteenth century who were evidently trying to make fortunes in the West Indies—but an exact identification of the above appears impossible.

^{Note 16 in page 1105} See letter to Shackleton, 10 August, 1757, in Filzwilliam Correspondence, i, 32–33.

^{Note 17 in page 1105} G. F. R. Barker and A. H. Stenning, The Record of Old Westminsters (London, 1928), i, 143, state that William was the “son of John Burke, of St. James's, London.”

^{Note 18 in page 1106} See Samuels, p. 221 et seq.

^{Note 19 in page 1106} In Leadbeater Papers (London, 1862), ii, 94–96. The first is dated “London, 20th February, 1750,” but the fact that this is Old Style is sufficiently indicated by Burke's postscript, p. 96: “A bill was brought into the House of Lords yesterday by the Earl of Chesterfield for altering the style. “Tis thought it will pass.” Cf. Parliamentary History, xiv (1751), 979 ff.

^{Note 20 in page 1106} Samuels, pp. 8–10.

^{Note 21 in page 1106} Burke's undergraduate letters, poems, and the Minute Book of the Trinity College Historical Society (which he helped to found), all transcribed by Samuels, bear witness to this malady, as he humorously regards it, “which (as skilful physicians assure me) is as difficultly cured as a disease very nearly akin to it, namely, the itch” (to Shackleton, January 24, 1747, in Samuels, p. 128).

^{Note 22 in page 1107} A sketch in this poem of

is explained in a note: “These lines allude to Mr. C. a very honest Young Divine very much in Love & more in Debt, very orthodox & very poor.” I am unable to identify this acquaintance of the young Burkes.

^{Note 23 in page 1108} W. L. Cross, History of Henry Fielding (New Haven, 1918), ii, 389. Burke's comment that “Dr Hill slipt out of the Noose” of matrimony may refer to the fact that Hill was a bachelor, but carried about with him a picture of his mistress set with diamonds—of which he had been robbed in January, 1751; see London Evening Post, Jan. 9–11, 11–14, cited by Cross, ii, 391.

^{Note 24 in page 1108} For contemporary notice of this episode see Cross, op. cit., ii, 419–420. Justice Fielding exonerated Brown, and thus incurred the wrath of Dr. Hill.

^{Note 25 in page 1109} Samuels, pp. 160 ff., discusses Burke's interest in the Dubin theatre, and in Appendix ii prints the text of The Reformer. For Macklin's activities and quarrels in Ireland see D.N.B., s. v. “Charles Macklin.” Prior, p. 40, states that Burke “is believed to have made his first attempt at public speaking” at Macklin's debating society which flourished briefly in 1754.

^{Note 26 in page 1109} Cf. Cross, ii, 391, and Gentleman's Magazine, January, 1752, p. 28.

^{Note 27 in page 1109} Cf. Cross, ii, 410–413.

^{Note 28 in page 1109} See Bisset, Life of Burke, 1st ed., pp. 21 f. and Prior, Memoir of Burke (1854 ed.), p. 38. MacKnight, i, 57, conjectures that the rumor arose from a remark made by Adam Smith after the publication of The Sublime and Beautiful, “that if the author of such a work would accept of a chair, he would be a valuable addition to the college.” The legend that Burke, with this appointment in mind, made a careful study of Berkeley's philosophy, should be compared with Boswell's intimation, Life of Johnson, Hill-Powell ed., i, 471–472.

^{Note 29 in page 1110} Cf. Burton's Life of Hume (Edinburgh, 1846), i, 350–351.

^{Note 30 in page 1110} Bisset, pp. 21–23 and again, pp. 48–49; Prior, p. 38 and n. For a correct chronological placement of Principal Leechman, cf. Prior, p. 236.

^{Note 31 in page 1110} To Shackleton, August 31, 1751, and September 28, 1752, in Fitzwilliam Correspondence, i, 24 ff., the latter adding details of the former visit.

^{Note 32 in page 1111} Ibid., i, 27.

^{Note 33 in page 1111} “Now I am influenced to shake off my laziness, and write to you at the same time of year, and from the same west country, I wrote my last in. 'Tis true, I am not directly at the same place; but you know, to those who are at a vast distance, things may be a great way asunder, and yet seem near,” loc. cit. Another piece in this notebook, in prose, and bearing evidence of a holiday in Turlaine, may be misdated or else refer to a later excursion: “An Epistolary Essay on the Natural / History of a Buck / Turlaine, Sep. 1754.” Signed “W. B.,” it describes the two originally different types now united in the buck—the London rake, and the foxhunter of “these Wiltshire Hills.” From a reference in Edmund's letter to Shackleton, Sept. 28, 1752, to a certain visitor to Turlaine who “spent a good part of his hours in shooting and other country amusements—got drunk at night, got drunk in the morning, and became intimate with every body in the village,” one might suppose he was the original of this essay.

^{Note 34 in page 1111} See D.N.B., s. v. Dr. Christopher Nugent.

^{Note 35 in page 1112} Upon a recent piece of evidence Burke's birthday seems definitely established as January 12, 1729; see a note by the present writer in N & Q, June 19, 1937, p. 441.

^{Note 36 in page 1113} It begins: “Thou sweetest Comfort of a Dunsick Mind,” while a footnote explains: “N. B. The Author was then not a little pestered by a numerous Band of Creditors, who were very little satisfyed with good words, & Mr B had no money for them & used to retire to his pillow when they wearied him out.” The later events of William Burke's life show him always in straitened circumstances, yet hopefully trying—by loans, political sinecures, speculations in stock, and inflationary schemes while he was Commissary General for the Forces in India—to make a fortune, until his death in virtual bankruptcy. William Burke's poem is a conventional panegyric of Dr. Nugent, from which we learn that the physician's household consisted of a sister and a daughter (Jane). In 1753, the year in which this poem was written, Dr. Nugent published in London “An Essay on the Hydrophobia”; cf. D.N.B. Perhaps a journey to the metropolis in connection with the printing of this work may have some bearing upon his renewed contact with and invitation from the Burkes in London and Oxford.

^{Note 37 in page 1113} The Sublime and Beautiful, iv, xv, reveals Burke's acquaintance with Cheselden's Anatomy of the Human Body, and his letters to Shackleton in Leadbeater Papers, ii, 37 and 62 show his keen interest in the physiological lectures of Dr. Taylor.

^{Note 38 in page 1113} See Samuels, pp. 30, 67, and 70.

^{Note 39 in page 1114} “Amata is certainly no talker,” we are told, but she is wise. “Perhaps too fixt on trifling occasions . . . the ill natured would call it stubbornness,” and he also admits to the soft impeachment “a little Idleness, that has some how crept upon her.” Prior, p. 49, in giving a text of Edmund Burke's character of Jane, with minor variations from that found in the Wentworth notebook, records the tradition that “he presented it to her one morning on the anniversary of their marraige.”

^{Note 40 in page 1115} Edmund Burke's love of writing idealized analyses of those to whom he was most deeply devoted appears in a long document also found at Went worth, in six large folios, describing the character of his brother Richard Burke and his own son Richard Jr., written after both were dead—the reminiscences of a lonely old man.

^{Note 41 in page 1115} A terminus a quo for the date of this missing essay can be fixed, since Henry Boyle (1682–1764), parliamentary leader of the Irish Whigs and hence a notable man in young Burke's eye, did not receive the title Earl of Shannon, created for him, until 1756.

^{Note 42 in page 1115} Forster, Life and Times of Goldsmith (London and New York, 1888), i, 25.

^{Note 43 in page 1116} For a period of years following this occurrence of his name in the Burkes' juvenile notebook, Lauchlan Macleane figures in their affairs, though he seems to have been overlooked by Edmund Burke's biographers, save that Prior, p. 91, calls him “an old acquaint-tance of Burke.” Dilke, n, 348-349, asserts without giving his authority that Macleane went to the West Indies in 1761 and shared in the spoils of the dispossessed French inhabitants to the extent of £200,000. But among the Burke papers at Milton one finds a memorial of Macleane addressed to the Treasury Board, on November 7, 1765, regarding “certain small Purchases which he made of the French in the Island of Dominique.” Among the same papers an unpublished letter of Edmund Burke to his brother Richard, dated 1765, shows Macleane acting as intermediary between John Wilkes and Burke. At some time in the same year Macleane was in Paris, and to him there the Burkes sent a letter introducing their protégé James Barry (Barry, Works, I, 26). To Barry on March 23, 1766 William Burke wrote: “Our friend Mr Macleane is Lieutenant Governor of St. Vincent,” ibid., I, 43; yet in November 1767 Barry speaks of Macleane as being then second Secretary of State under Lord Shelburne, I, 139. In the Court Book of the Directors of the East India Company, in the archives at India House, he appears in the volume April 17'69–April 1770 as a heavy owner of stock along with William Burke and a fellow sufferer in the crash of June 1769—though upon examining this volume I find there is no truth in the statement of the D.N.B., based upon Dilke, ii, 338, that Edmund Burke's name appears on a petition of Proprietors dated June 1, 1769 (thus clearing him of duplicity, in view of his express denial in Filz. Corr., i, 400). About this time, doubtless in an attempt to recoup his losses, Macleane borrowed heavily from the Burkes' patron Lord Verney (cf. Verney's Bill of Complaint, 15 Dec, 1769, Public Record Office, Cn/1026/18) and from Lord Shelburne (Fitzmaurice, Life of Shelburne, London, 1876, ii, 332). From records at India House it is apparent that Macleane entered the Indian service in 1773, but that his reputation for chicanery followed him is evident in Philip Francis's caution, regarding Macleane's plea to return to England, that “a summary Inspection of his Accounts” should be the first preliminary (Bengal Public Proceedings, Dec. 21, 1774). Ultimately he became agent of the Nabob of Arcot, and hence a bitter rival of William Burke, the agent of Tanjore; cf. D'Oyly to Francis, July 9, 1777, in Memoirs of Francis, ii, 105; on the return voyage, ca. 1779, Macleane was lost at sea (Hugh Boyd, Miscellaneous Works [London, 1800], i, 211). Two brief letters from Macleane to Edmund Burke are found among the private papers at Wentworth, one dated 31 July, 1772, and the other “Chichester, Sunday evening,” both asking for interviews regarding the supervisorship over East India affairs which was offered to Burke in 1772 (the latter note adding darkly that “I have many reasons to keep incog.”).

This sketch of the Burkes' sometime friend and associate will show the error of Forster, Life and Times of Goldsmith, loc. cit., in identifying him with the Lachlan Maclean whom Johnson and Boswell visited at Col on October 4, 1773. He also had seen service in India, but resigned in January 1766 (Dodwell and Miles, Indian Army List, London, 1838), and as Johnson remarked, was “not too rich to settle in his own country” (Life, Hill-Powell ed., v, 284 n. 3). Professor Pottle kindly informs me that, according to the inscription upon this Lachlan Maclean's tombstone at Kilunaig, he died on Dec. 25, 1802.

^{Note 44 in page 1117} It may be noted that throughout The Sublime and Beautiful the author, as a true disciple of Longinus, joins together “the power of poetry and eloquence”; see n, xiii, v, ii and passim.

^{Note 45 in page 1118} Declaring “that the Character of a fine gentleman is not a brilliant one,” Burke stresses moderation, good taste, inconspicuousness, and courage. “Indolence is a predominant ingredient in this Character; Diligence, oeconomy, prudence, & a consideration of the future are the virtues of men of business; & give an air of closeness & reserve, inconsistent with the perpetual Gaiety & ease that shine with such a constant Lustre in the fine Gentleman.” Burke's is an ideal related of course to the Golden Mean, and to the Renaissance developments which have been treated by Ruth Kelso, The Doctrine of the English Gentleman in the Sixteenth Century (Urbana, 1929). In the last decade of his life, in An Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs (1791), Burke returned to the subject of the ideal gentleman—with a summation so masterful that Dr. Kelso, pp. 163–164, places it as the copestone of her study. The significance of Burke's interest in the gentlemanly tradition as a conserving force, as “an essential integrant part of any large body rightly constituted,” was vastly deepened by the sansculottism of the Revolution—but the essential traits can be recognized in this hitherto unknown youthful essay. The essay also has its intrinsic interest—e.g., Burke's assertion that the discourse of a gentleman “never raises a laugh” places him in the tradition running from Plato to Chesterfield (cf. E. S. Allen, “Chesterfield's Objection to Laughter,” MLN, xxxviii, 279–287, and Virgil B. Heltzel, “Chesterfield and the Anti-Laughter Tradition,” MP, xxvi, 73–90).

^{Note 46 in page 1119} See Welch, op. cit., p. 341. The D.N.B. calls Markham William Burke's “old schoolmaster,” which seems highly improbable, since there is no record here of Markham's return to Westminster until, after some indecision, he accepted the headmastership in 1753, the year after he received both B.C.L. and D.C.L. from Oxford. Sir Clements Markham, Memoir of Archbishop Markham (Oxford, 1906), p. 12, is probably more accurate in calling him William Burke's “old friend.” In 1771 in the draft of his long letter to Markham, Filz. Corr., i, 336, Edmund Burke wrote: “I say nothing of Will. Burke's early habits— you know them”; his reference in the same letter to Markham as Edmund Burke's seven-teen-years' friend would date the beginning of their friendship circa 1754.

^{Note 47 in page 1119} Sir Clements Markham, p. 13, on the evidence of a family letter of Feb. 21, 1800. In the Preface to the First Edition (dropped from all modern texts) Burke says of himself: “He has shewn it to some of Ms friends, men of learning and candour.”

^{Note 48 in page 1119} Cf. Murray, Burke (Oxford, 1931), pp. 62–63. Perhaps it is of the Grecian—a haunt of dramatists, critics, and actors rather than of dignified barristers—that Burke writes in The Sublime and Beautiful, iii, v: “I remember to have frequented a certain place, every day for a long time together; and I may truly say, that so far from finding a pleasure in it, I was affected with a sort of weariness and disgust; I came, I went, I returned without pleasure; yet if by any means I passed by the usual time of my going thither, I was remarkably uneasy, and was not quiet until I had got into my old track.”

^{Note 49 in page 1119} Life and Adventures, ed. Apcar (Calcutta, 1918), p. 78.

^{Note 50 in page 1119} Prior, Burke, p. 43.

^{Note 51 in page 1120} Op. cit., pp. 52–53; “the author” is of course Émīn himself, and one suspects the employment may have been a gracious way of bestowing charity.

^{Note 52 in page 1120} Ralph Straus, Dodsley (London, 1910), p. 254.

^{Note 53 in page 1120} November 28, 1789, in Letters, ed. Tinker (Oxford, 1924), p. 387. The editor, in view perhaps of Burke's letter to Shackleton cited above which shows the two young men on holiday tour in the West, says: “The two relatives had worked on the book together in 1752.”

^{Note 54 in page 1120} In Brit. Mus. Add. 20,723, fol. 35, is Edmund Burke's receipt from Dodsley, dated 5 January, 1757. Dilke, ever suspicious, doubted that such a receipt—mentioned by Prior—even existed; cf. Papers of a Critic, ii, 327.

^{Note 55 in page 1120} Straus, Dodsley, pp. 254–256; his access to Dodsley's private papers and accounts has thrown light upon such dealings. See also Helen L. Drew, “The Date of Burke's Sublime and Beautiful,” MLN, vol. l (Jan. 1935), pp. 29–31. In 1757, also, a few sheets of The Abridgment of the English History by Burke were printed, though the entire work was not published until many years later, after his death; cf. D.N.B., and Works, Bohn ed., 6 vols. (London, 1856), vi, 184 ff.

^{Note 56 in page 1120} See Burke's own statement to Malone in a memorandum dated July 26, 1787, in Prior, Life of M alone (London, 1860), p. 154. Burke's last revision of the first edition must have taken place later than November 13, 1754, when Dodsley published Spence's Account of the Life, Character and Poems of Mr Blacklock, to which Burke refers in v, v, of his essay.

^{Note 57 in page 1121} N. & Q., 6th ser., v, 274. At the same time Mr. R. E. Peach of Bath reported that he had once found the long-sought record of their marriage among the parish registers of London, but had mislaid the reference. In view of the Roman Catholic faith of the Nu-gents, the present writer has had the Catholic records of London searched, but in vain. For calling his notice to the above item in N. & Q. the writer wishes to thank Sir Philip Magnus, Bart., who has in progress a study of Burke.

^{Note 58 in page 1121} Fitz. Corr., i, 32; in the same letter Burke speaks of having been, “in the country” upon an apparently recent visit Shackleton had paid to London.

^{Note 59 in page 1121} This notebook is lettered on the outside, in the writing of Edmund Burke's later years, “amongst the infinite number of political & moral Sketches written early by W. Burke I keep these from the flames as being most brought into form. E. B.—fatal August 1794” (so called undoubtedly because Richard Burke Jr. died Aug. 2, 1794). He describes them as “Written from 1754 to 1759.” They are chiefly political observations of little intrinsic interest, showing however a close association with affairs of the Middle Temple and the Bar; but one, headed “Coalition June 4, 1757” is labeled in the index, in Edmund's hand, “wrote in the channel.” Two other notebooks in the same collection indicate that William Burke returned to or remained upon the Continent while Edmund and Jane Burke (expecting their first-born) were back in England. A volume bound in vellum and marked on the first page in Edmund's hand “Sketches of W. B. about the year 1756 or 1757” contains a letter addressed to some minister of State and including this sentence: “It is not very long since I was in Holland, & perhaps as I am no Military Man I may be mistaken . . . but in going around Amsterdam it struck me as a place liable to a Coup de Main.” On the back inside cover is a notation “Expences of my rooms 35. 15. 32/3 = 23. 16. 10”—pretty obviously a foreign exchange rate which, if the latter items be pounds, shillings, pence, corresponds most closely to the thaler of Saxony, according to such mid-18th century exchange rates as I have been able to discover (value about 15 shillings). Still another notebook at Wentworth is a travel-journal in William Burke's hand, bearing as its first entry “Hague, June 30, 1758,” and continuing “near frankfort” and finally “Basil.” All references to the traveler are made in the first person singular.

^{Note 60 in page 1122} See Edmund's letter to his uncle Garret Nagle, “Wimple-street, Cavendish-square, 11th October, 1759”: “Poor Dick is on the point of quitting us. . . . One of the first merchants here has taken him by the hand, and enabled him to go off with a very valuable cargo” (New Monthly Magazine, xiv [1825], 381–382). Material which I have investigated among the Burke papers at Milton, the Public Record Office, and the British Museum— to be treated elsewhere in detail—shows that he went to the West Indies in a minor government post, returned home and suffered a severe fracture of his leg (alluded to by Goldsmith in the lines above), returned to the West Indies and attempted to speculate in land “purchased from several Red Charibbs,” had his illegal title overruled despite efforts of Charles James Fox to help him, was charged with a shortage of nearly £10,000 in Government funds entrusted to him, but under the Coalition Ministry of 1783 with his brother in office he was relieved of all “surcharges” and seems to have paid nothing in the end, became involved in heavy gambling debts which he refused to meet, was called to the Bar, became Recorder of Bristol, and died in 1794.

^{Note 61 in page 1123} See for example H. V. F. Somerset, “New Light on Edmund Burke,” Discovery, xiii, December 1932, 397.

^{Note 62 in page 1123} Op. cit., p. 52.

^{Note 63 in page 1123} In a letter to Shackleton, 28 October, 1766, denying Shackleton's published description of Burke's father as “in moderate circumstances,” Burke declared with some heat that his father had spent “a thousand pounds or thereabouts for me” on “my education in the Temple”—yet “died worth very near six thousand pounds” (Samuels, p. 397). But a transcript of the senior Burke's will, in Samuels, pp. 405–407, reveals an estate of about £1500. It is hard to escape the conclusion that Burke's estimate of family finances was vague and exaggerated, and written to dispel what he calls the “imputation” of poverty. A combination of pride and impracticality is found almost everywhere in Burke's financial history.

^{Note 64 in page 1123} The date of M'Cormick's libel is 1797, and not 1798, as given by the D.N.B. The date on the title-page and its treatment in the Critical Review for November, 1797 are sufficient proof, and give the book clear priority over Bisset's. A comparison of M'Cormick, pp. 27–28, with Bisset (2nd ed.), i, 58–59, reveals the parallel, including the fact that the father is “so enraptured” in each account. The way in which such a story is embroidered with each telling may be seen in the late Augustine Birrell's Collected Essays (London, 1922), i, 162, in which Burke's father “expostulates” with the young wastrel, but upon receiving a copy of the treatise sends him “a bank-bill for £100.”

^{Note 65 in page 1123} He says, p. 26, that after the “failure” of the Vindication in 1756, Burke published The Sublime and Beautiful “in the course of the same year. . . . A second edition appeared in 1757, with an ‘Introductory Discourse concerning Taste,‘ and several other improvements. He afterwards made a few valuable additions to the work.” These words contain four obvious misstatements.

^{Note 66 in page 1124} In 1747 his schoolfellow Dennis wrote: “My dear friend Burke leads a very unhappy life from his Father's temper, and what is worse, there is no prospect of bettering it. . . Pity him and wish a change is all I can do” (Samuels, p. 96). In a letter to his father, Prior, p. 42, Burke ascribes this irritability to chronic illness. This letter, dated “London, March 11, 1755,” and found according to Prior in “the lining of an old family arm-chair,” is of special interest in showing Burke out of deference to his father's wishes giving up a place of credit offered to him “in one of the provinces” (i.e., in America, according to Prior). Such compliance lends no support to the rumor of Burke's break with his father in this same year.

^{Note 67 in page 1124} Life of Johnson, iv, 28.

^{Note 68 in page 1124} New Monthly Magazine, xiv (1825), 382.

^{Note 69 in page 1124} Cf. Burke to Shackleton, Dublin, August 25, 1761, announcing his arrival; Fitz. Corr., i, 36.

^{Note 70 in page 1124} This hitherto unexplored phase of Burke's activity has been treated in a Yale dissertation of 1933, still unpublished, T. W. Copeland's Burke's Authorship of the Book Reviews in the Annual Register: 1758–1770.

^{Note 71 in page 1124} See Chatham Correspondence, i, 430.

^{Note 72 in page 1124} Prior, p. 56. Certainly Burke was living in Wimpole Street as early as April 17, 1759; see letter to his uncle, New Monfhly Magazine, xiv, 380; another letter follows, similarly addressed, and dated October 11, 1759. The probably reliable evidence of the family Bible, cited above, gives Wimpole Street as the place of birth on December 14, 1758, of Christopher Burke, Dr. Nugent's namesake. An old story whose first printed source seems to be Bisset, relates of Dr. Nugent: “The doctor considering that the noise, and various disturbances incidental to chambers, must impede the recovery of his patient [Burke], kindly offered him apartments in his own house” (2nd ed., i, 27). The invitation is thus associated with Burke's bachelor days at the Temple and with the Doctor's early ministrations. But as we have seen, Dr. Nugent in those days was still practising at Bath—and it seems likely that Bisset with his frequent vagueness has combined the story of Burke's youthful visits to the Nugents at Bath with the later union of the two households in London. On the other hand one doubts the statement of the D.N.B., s. v. Dr. Nugent, that the Doctor did not move from Bath to London until 1764, and that “his London house was at first in Queen Anne Street.” According to Prior, this was the second address of the Burke-Nugent household; certainly Burke upon his return from Ireland is found dating his letters from Queene Anne Street, see letter of April, 1763 in Filz. Corr., i, 51. The Burkes however were still in the neighborhood of Wimpole Street; see R. Cumberland's Memoirs (London, 1806), 238: “I had a house in Queen-Anne-Street-West at the corner of Wimpole Street, I lived there many years; my friend Mr. Fitzherbert lived in the same street, and Mr. Burke nearly opposite to me.” Dr. Nugent was well enough known in London to become a charter member of the Literary Club ca. February, 1764; cf. Boswell, i, 477. It is interesting to note that Burke, though also a charter member of the Club, was apparently absent in Ireland during its formation; from Dublin, February 9, 1764 he wrote to Dodsley requesting that “you will pay Dr. Nugent fifty pounds on my receipt,” to meet current debts (B. M. Add. 22, 130, fol. 10), and addressed Shackleton from Dublin as late as March 29 of the same year (Leadbealer Papers, ii, 98).

^{Note 73 in page 1125} A manuscript called “Fragments on Dramatick Poetry”—similar to but not identical with “Hints for an Essay on the Drama,” Works, vi, 175–183—is written in part on the back of a note: “Mrs. Kempe; Compliments to Mr. Burke and as to John Quin he behaved very well wile [sic] he was with me that is all I now [sic] of him Buckingham Street York Buildings Jan: 16th 1761.”