1 This article began life as a paper given at the 22nd Congress of the Australasian Universities Language and Literature Association, held in Canberra, 29 August-2 September 1983. A revised version of this paper was given at a meeting of the Victorian Universities Medieval and Renaissance Seminar, in Melbourne on 8 March 1984. Since then the paper has undergone considerable revision. Particular thanks are due to Ian Robertson and Guy Boanas for making a number of useful suggestions. For Altieri's life see A. Asor-Rosa, “Altieri, Marco Antonio,” Dizionario Biograjico degli Italiani (henceforth DMI), 2 (Rome, 1960), 560-61. The older accounts provide more information especially Gnoli, D., “Marc’ Antonio Altieri” in La Roma di Leone X (Milan, 1938), pp. 32–52.Google Scholar E. Narducci edited Li nuptiali (Rome, 1873) with an essential introduction. See also the review of this edition by Reumont, A. in Archivio Storico Italiano, 20 (1874), 449-63.Google Scholar The most recent article on Li nuptiali is by Klapisch-Zuber, C., “Une ethnologie du manage au temps de l'humanisme,” Annales, Economies-Societes-Civilisations, 36 (1981), 1016-27CrossRefGoogle Scholar, now translated as “An Ethnology of Marriage in the Age of Humanism” in Women, Family and Ritual in Renaissance Italy, translated by L. G. Cochrane (Chicago, 1985), pp. 247-60. Much of the discussion here is concerned with interpreting the ritual of the wedding ceremony as described in Li nuptiali; as a result the historical circumstances of the treatise are somewhat neglected. It is the aim of this contribution to assess the historical significance of the work as a view of papal Rome from the other side: that is, from the point of view of the oppressed city nobility.

2 For the period with which this article is particularly concerned, it is difficult, given the present state of research, to analyze in great detail the social structure of the Roman nobility. Recent works which make passing reference to Altieri are often vague and misleading. For example, Hook, Judith writes in The Sack of Rome 1527 (London, 1972), p. 32 Google Scholar, that “the adjoining Rione Pigna was very distinguished; from the earliest times the old Roman nobility, the Altieri, the Astalli and the Leni had their palaces there.” In a more recent study, Charles Stinger asserts that Altieri was a “member of the Roman baronage”: The Renaissance in Rome (Bloomington, Indiana 1985), p. 387 n. 81. The most useful studies to appear so far on the Roman patriciate are mainly concerned with the rise of the new class in the late fourteenth century. These include Esch, A., Bonifax IX und der Kirchenstaat (Tübingen, 1969)Google Scholar and Esch, , “Dal Medioevo al Rinascimento: uomini a Roma dal 1350 al 1450,” Archivio della Società Romana di Storia Patria (henceforth ASRSP), 94 (1971), 1–10.Google Scholar Maire-Vigueur, J.-C., “Classe dominante et classes dirigeantes à Rome à la fin du Moyen Age,” Storia della Citta, 1 (1976), 4–26 Google Scholar, is an outstanding contribution to the study of the development of the patriciate. Other important studies are Maire-Vigueur, , “Les ‘casali’ des églises romaines à la fin du Moyen-Age (1348-1428),” Melanges de l'Ecole Française de Rome (Moyen Age—Temps Modemes) (henceforth MEFRM), 86 (1974), 63–136 Google Scholar, and Gennaro, C., “Mercanti e bovattieri nella Roma della seconda meta del Trecento (da una ricerca su registri notarili),” Bollettino dell'Istituto Storico Italiano per il Medioevo, 78 (1967).Google Scholar I have used the above analyses as a starting point for my own work since Altieri was generally obsessed with the origins and subsequent decline of his class. The articles mentioned here serve as a historical check on the Roman patrician's observations.

3 G. B. De Rossi, “Note di topografia romana raccolte dalla bocca di Pomponio Leto e testo pomponiano della notitia regionum urbis Romae. Appendice. Elogio funebre di Girolamo Altieri scritto da un discepolo di Pomponio Leto (dal codice Vaticano 3394, f. 43-47), Studi e documenti di storia e diritto, 3 (1882), 49-87, at pp. 86-87. “Alterius, a worthy and well-respected man, educated his sons so well that Angelo [his son] was put in charge of the government of Campania and appointed ruler of Sutri. Many and greater deeds made Lorenzo [ Angelo's son] more worthy of renown. For many years he was in command of the army of the Church under Pope Eugenius which he carried out with the greatest honour. He brought back from the Marches, where he had been sent to quell civil unrest, the peacemaking documents; this is his crowning glory. In Tuscany he settled the dispute between the Tuscans and the people of Viterbo, restoring peace and order by a variety of means… . During the reign of Pope Nicholas he attained the highest honors in Rome.”

4 Li nuptiali, p. 23: “and I could speak of his other deeds, no less glorious, performed for the honor and benefit of the papal state.”

5 Li nuptiali, p. 23: “And if even they with all their power were not able to save themselves, I, being so inferior to them, strive likewise to learn patience in similar circumstances.”

6 Two articles are fundamental, both by R. Montel: “Un casale de la campagne romaine de la fin du XIV^e siècle au debut du XVII^e: le domaine de Porto d'après les archives du Chapitre de Saint Pierre,” MEFRM, 83 (1971), 31-87 and “Un bénéficier de la basilique Saint-Pierre de Rome: Demetrius Guaselli, ‘custode’ de la Bibliothèque Vaticane (†1511), “MEFRM, 85 (1973), 421-54. See also two by DeCaprio, V.: “Intellettuali e mercato del lavoro nella Roma medicea,” Studi Romani, 29 (1981), 29–46 Google Scholar; “L'area umanistica romana (1513-1527),” ibid.,321-35.

7 Maire-Vigueur, “Classe dominante,” p. 15. Membership records of the Società are published by P. Egidi, Necrologi e libri affini della provincia romana, II, Necrologi della città di Roma (Rome, 1914). Also useful is his “Libro di anniversari in volgare dell'Ospedale del Salvatore,” ASRSP, 31 (1908), 169-209. On the Società see also Marangoni, G., Istoria dell'antichissimo oratorio o cappella di San Lorenzo net patriarchio Lateranense comunemente appellato Sancta Sanctorum (Rome, 1747)Google Scholar; a brief summary is contained in Lumbroso, M. Moroni and Martini, A., Le confraternite rotnane nelle loro chiese (Rome, 1963), pp. 394-99.Google Scholar P. Pavan, “Gli statuti della società dei raccomandati del Salvatore ad Sancta Sanctorum (1331-1496),” ASRSP, 101 (1978), 35-96, is the most detailed account available. In Altieri's construction of the Roman nobility there exists a clear distinction between the civic patriciate and the feudal nobility (the baronage). In a catasto drawn up by Altieri, he states that the Novelli family had arranged alliances with the most powerful baronial clans: “ne desdegnatise magnifici baroni de Montagna Carsoli, similmente delli Ursini haverli per parenti” (Archivio degli Ospedali, S. Salvatore ad Sanctus Sanctorum, registro n. 273 [henceforth, catasto], f. 167^r. It was a sign of strength to find the patriciate marrying into greater families; upward mobility indicated social and economic dynamism in contrast to the state of affairs described by Altieri.

8 Li nuptiali, p. 20.

9 Li nuptiali, p. 64: “through the negligence of Juvan Jordano and Pavolo Ursini Cardinal Ursini was threatening to excommunicate us.” The exact nature of the conflict is not further clarified by Altieri. Then: “In order to discuss the matter we withdrew to consult together to the private dining-room where we immediately sat down. Our discussions were altogether pleasant, so pleasant that we never even mentioned the debts nor the promises [for repayment?] nor the angry Cardinal.”

10 Schiavo, A., Palazzo Altieri (Rome, 1962), p. 149.Google Scholar

11 Li nuptiali, p. 110: wealth, lineage, proper behavior.

12 Li nuptiali, p. 111: “I will state my own definition and thoughts on the matter in terms that are appropriate to these times and to the uncultured ignorance of our peers: I will speak to you of that matter according to my present opinion: that the nobleman considers himself descended from great-grandfathers, grandfathers and fathers virtuous in due succession.”

13 For biographical information consult note 1. In addition, Schiavo, Palazzo Altieri contains important material. Manuscript notes on Altieri can be found in D. Jacovacci, Repertorii de famiglie, Tomo I, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (BAV), cod. Ott. lat. 2548, pp. 438-43. C. Gennaro, “La ‘Pax romana’ del 1511,” ASRSP, 90 (1967), 17-60 provides a convincing account of these events. Altieri himself scatters some biographical details in his works (for example, in Li nuptiali, pp. 23, 28, 39). The catasto (see note 7) has some information on his family and ancestors (for example, ff. 11 and 25^v on Lorenzo Altieri, who before Marco Antonio, brought peace to Viterbo, f. 110 on his dead wife, Gregoria degli Albertoni (died 1524) whose demise has left him “come homo in tutto de sé perso et tramortito,” and f. 164 on two of his children, Candido and Alteria).

14 Jacovacci, D., Repertorii, pp. 442-43.Google Scholar

15 D. Orano, Il Sacco di Roma del MDXXVII. Studi e documenti, I, I ricordi di Marcello Alberini (Rome, 1901) (henceforth, Alberini, I ricordi), p. 287.

16 Ibid.: “He was therefore a member of the blood nobility, of a mature age, unsullied morals and at that time he was considered another Cato in our city.”

17 Alberini, I ricordi, p. 286.

18 Alberini, p. 292: “[The priests] keep the population dissatisfied because of the intolerable and hateful tax-burden that they impose on them daily, more to satisfy their unbridled and insatiable desires than for any needs or necessity they might have.”

19 V. Zabughin, “Una novella umanistica l'amorosa di Marcantonio Altieri,” ASRSP, 32 (1909), 335-94 (henceforth, L'amorosa). Zabughin's transcription practice does not include the expansion of abbreviations. In order to maintain some consistency I have expanded abbreviations and corrected punctuation.

20 Li nuptiali, p. 10. The autograph of the novella is in BAV, Cod. Barberini, LIV. 75. However, the rest of the Baccanali is written in a late sixteenth-century hand. The autograph of this portion of the work is in the Biblioteca Nazionale, Rome, MSS. Vittorio Emanuele, n. 348.

21 L'amorosa, p. 359: “And seeing him restless and given over and inclined to youthful fancies he continuously browbeat his son to curb his vices by trying to persuade him to take a wife.”

22 L'amorosa, p. 361: “One should never think that she would agree voluntarily; knowing that she is a beautiful young woman, from a respected family, well connected, very wealthy and belonging to one of the noblest families in the district. And with all that enter our family as if wishing to tell the truth? We are in no way her equal in status, wealth or family connections.”

23 L'amorosa, pp. 363, 366.

24 L'amorosa, p. 369: “And after be prepared to go and live in Rome for some time and there pay homage to, visit, and make yourself known to the big wigs, responding to this tactic, you will make them so favorable and grateful that by my faith and by the good Saint John I swear to you with their help and having ready cash that in much less than four months without any other outlay or stiff examination you will become a Cardinal.”

25 L'amorosa, p. 369: “I am really confident and can honestly say that, considering the present century, as soon as it becomes known that you have the means and inclination to spend, you will be subject to all manner of urgent requests and entreaties at all hours.”

26 L'amorosa, pp. 370, 372, 384, 393.

27 L'amorosa, p. 393: “But it will be a more profitable and beneficial lesson to learn how much in the deeds of men damned avarice harms everyone. First how pernicious it is, by examining the ambitious designs of the Archpriest whose own wealth was not enough for him, even though he possessed much property and many benefices, and honored and rich. He hoped misguidedly to become even greater than he was, deeming personal gain more important than lineage, his own conscience, honor. With the result he ends up disappointed and mocked, finally dying, ignominiously like a vile slave overcome by abject despair.”

28 Baccanali, f. i.

29 Baccanali, f. i: “The aforementioned Juliano from a tender age through his father's books which daily offered him ancient accounts and sobering examples of the glorious deeds of the vigorous and magnificent Romans. He was bent on imitating them so that he made up his mind to pursue a military career.”

30 Baccanali, ff. i^v, 3.

31 Baccanali, f. 5: “Only to the Roman has nature always allowed to seek out ceaselessly the way in which one can learn to die well. Since God granted him such an opportunity to fight against so famous and respected warriors in order to defend the honor of his city. And not wishing to abandon it, he decided as a Roman to desire rather to die honorably than to live long in shame. He confirmed that if he were finally disgraced [through his misfortune] he would do that which befitted a true and good Roman: rather die than suffer any other misfortune.”

32 Baccanali, f. 8^V: “Today the Romans have lost such a magnificent and excellent dominion, their liberty has been taken away and like vile slaves subjected to wretched servitude.”

33 After the “patriotic” and chauvinistic assertions of the “combattimento” narrative, it comes as something of a surprise to find the Defensione facta per Marco antonio Altieri in Javore de Spagnoli persequitati innel Pontificate de Iulio il Pontifice Max. Altieri himself anticipates criticisms by expressing the concern of his public: “Et per cascion che me rendo per certo in questo magnifico ceto qualcun per aventura meravigliarse che io nato Romano, scaldato de tanta fede ve comparga et sì curioso perla lor salute con tanto amore. Al presente me demostri per liberarli de tal fantasia et me anche de qualche iniqua opinione” (Baccanali, f. 26). He does go on in the text to enumerate some of the reasons as to why he has taken up the defence of certain Spaniards residing in Rome. However a more precise motive is to be found in the introductory letter (Responsiva de Marco-antonio Altieri alio Ill.s. Fabritio Colonna, f. 25^r-v) that precedes the document in question. From this letter it is clear that the Spaniards were freed so that the Defensione becomes evidence of Altieri's success in forensic oratory and at the same time of a fruitful “collaboration” between a Colonna and his client. It would seem that Fabrizio Colonna had taken a great interest in the Spaniards’ plight, perhaps being a decisive influence on Altieri's decision to take the case at all (“Donde comprendo quella ne fruisca non minor Jetitia che se facciano li medesmi Spagnoli innelle quali collato se vede un tanto beneficio. Et io comeché in ogne altra sua occurrentia cosi in questa, anchor chella impresa me sia stata non poco laboriosa et grave, me so’ sforzato per quanto possa compiacerli,” f. 25). Fabrizio Colonna was perhaps anxious to maintain a pro-Spanish profile in 1507, the date of the letter. The connections between Colonna and Altieri are that of “patrone signore” and a willing client. Their relations were not just limited to the case in question. They went much deeper. Altieri seems to have acted as a go-between to obtain loans for Fabrizio Colonna. And the creditors were now demanding repayment: “Pregola se degni deliberarse scaricarme de questo si molesto et ponderoso affando et securarme della loro importunita” (f. 25^v). Thus, there can be no doubt that Altieri was acting here partly for these kinds of motives (“V. II.S. come bono auctor di questa impresa,” f. 25). The reasons he gives in the text itself are somewhat different and more rhetorical. He outlines the various connections members of the Roman nobility have had with Spanish noblemen: “Né consideri questo [Polidoro Aurisodio, the accuser of these particular Spaniards] non esser solo per infamar costoro ma colpare miglior parte della nobilità romana” (f. 27). Altieri proposes an impressive list of unimpeachable Romans which includes Prospero Santacroce, Stefano del Bufalo, Marian Crescenzo, his brother Lorenzo Altieri and numerous others. The list can be viewed as yet another instance of noble solidarity (under Colonna patronage?) in the face of a threat from outside its ranks. Indeed one of the ways by which Altieri demolishes Aurisodio's accusation that the Spaniards are atheists is by reference to the latter's name. It was certainly not a noble name and he exploits the opportunity to the full, making use of etymology to score his point: “per certo tener se deve chello agnome quale innella tenera sua età selli imponessi trovato sia per denotare ad ogne homo de qual natura fussi ciò è, chel chiamassiro Aurisodio per publicar la sua avidità de havere essere immensa et chel desiderio demostra per acquistare esser et excessivo et grande” (f. 32). Altieri has thus used the opportunity to emphasize the greatness of the Roman nobility, recalling ancient Rome whenever necessary. What, at first sight, appeared a contradiction, is made consistent with the main thrust of Altieri's thought.

34 See Li nuptiali, pp. XXIX-XXX.

35 Baccanali, f. 36: “All the Barons who were on the outskirts of the city, entered Rome, accompanied by many armed men, as they did when he was previously ill. Though not with the intention of looking for strife but full of good will and charity towards one another, all entering into pleasant conversation. And they would often banquet together not so much as a sign of reconciliation but rather as if there had been no discord nor dissension between their lordships.”

36 Baccanali, f. 37: “se era concluso lo andare a palazzo colle lor baroni [alternative reading: signorie] et tutti altri citadini et denanti al collegio delli R.mi S. Cardinali narrar le miserie nostre” (my italics).

37 Baccanali, ff. 36^v, 37: “Set forth and deprecate the wretched state of Rome.” “It seemed to me in that moment I had been hit on the head by a large mallet. And as if I “ftad lost consciousness I was dazed.”

38 Baccanali, f. 37: “Finally persuaded by the most Illustrious gentleman, Fabrizio Colonna, repeatedly asked and gently compelled by Juvan Jordano, encouraged by his Magnificence Julio Ursini and by all the other Barons and gentlemen, much enspirited by their warm support and not knowing how nor being able to refuse further their request, even though the burden appeared extraordinary, dangerous and heavy, nonetheless, I was disposed to accept in order to obey and please them.”

39 Baccanali, f. 38: “In their presence [the Barons] and that of the Cardinals and ambassadors, Fabrizio Colonna came forward, grasped me, embraced and kissed me and with tears of great tenderness in his eyes he thanked me profusely, confessing that his wishes on that point (harmony amongst all Romans) had been fully satisfied.”

40 At ff. 39^v-51.

41 Baccanali, f. 40: “It is only the Roman gentlemen who are considered to be completely unworthy and are stripped and deprived of all dignities, benefices and any other honorable and lucrative office [of such magnificent and lavish favors]. And in nothing else are they recognized as nobles.”

42 In truth Altieri does not seem to be very optimistic about the possibility of papal support. He realizes that the history of the Papacy from the later fifteenth century onwards was against him: “la mala sorte de Romani vole che tal qual sia [amended reading: resca] assumpto alio pontificate incontinente demostri in nostro vilipendio et gravissima iactura havere in odio quelle parti perle quale el dominio molto se magnifica et existima et anche el dominator tiense honorato et grande” (Baccanali, f. 40^v). Instance given below at f. 43^v.

43 Baccanali, f. 45^v. The Cesarini could boast of two cardinals in their recent history. See the entries in DBI, 24 (Rome, 1980), pp. 188-197. It is Giuliano, born in 1398 and created Cardinal in 1428, to whom Altieri refers. The lack of trustworthy courtiers alleged below at f. 46.

44 Baccanali, fol. 47^v: “He chose as ministers of his shameful and iniquitous will two of nature's dregs, two horrendous fires capable of destroying the world, two proclaimed public enemies of Christianity.”

45 Baccanali, f. 48: “Oh thoughtless, oh rash ambition for Julio to wish to become pope. And why? To bring about the ruin of churches and holy places? To confound Christianity? To serve human nature, so as not to have during his pontificate even an hour's peace?”

46 Baccanali, f. 48^v.

47 Baccanali, f. 50: “Throughout the entire length of his pontificate and in every possible action he [Paul II] proved that he was our God on earth. Like a blessed and most holy father, he wished to consider us and accept us as his own dear and particular children. And he trusted us and took care of us and desiring to better our opinion of him he elected a Roman baron captain-general of the Holy Mother Church. He chose as captain of his guard a Roman baron; head of his crossbowmen, a Roman baron, his men at arms Roman barons and patricians. This was the work of a prudent and cautious holy father. This was a principle well-suited to a pious, mild and kind holy father. By such actions he kept us content, joyful and happy.”

48 Baccanali, f. 50^v: “He did not kill us or tax us or exile us but using his paternal and kind judgement corrected, reproved and tempered us.”

49 In the Replico facto per Marcoantonio Altieri…, ff. 72^v-81^v.

50 Baccanali, f. 74: “We, unfortunate people, are like so many sick bodies that are overcome by a greater power and compelled to die. Not only is the care and work of doctors in their treatment useless but those medicines from which help and sustenance ought to come in order to achieve perfect health, taste like poisonous, oppressive and wasting substances. We can state that we are in exactly the same situation. We received from the pope what was highly considered for our honor and the common good, hoping to improve our state. And now we have become unworthy, it has turned against us to our loss, scorn and shame, depriving us of the hope of ever being cheerful again.”

51 An important point to note is that Prospero Colonna will be the chief executor of the will (f. 99). The Baccanali seems to head in two directions away from contemporary history. The first is the will—a purposeful ordering of Altieri's affairs and a declaration to posterity of his “romanitas.” The second is the short-story, L'amorosa, a partial escape into fiction which can modify history or at least take revenge on the oppressors within its pages.

52 The catasto opens with a general statement concerning its purpose (quoted in Li nuptiali, p. XXXII) . For the benefactors mentioned in the catasto one should consult Li nuptiali, pp. XXXII - XL. The names of benefactors are however interspersed with sections of the catasto proper. Description of the Catasto:

Commentario dc Privilegij de gratie et indulti concessi da più Pontifici et de duni de molti R. Cardinali et infiniti gentilhomini romani et de alguni altri prelati serenissime regine favorite alio nostro Hospitale et liquido Catasto de tutte soe possessione colla memoria de molti benemeriti de questa grata et veneranda compagnia, facto per me Marco Antonio Altieri con recordo et guida del nobile homo Iordano de Serlupi, Guardiani della prefata [in margin opposite: de essa hospitalità al presente] compagnia pregando et quello esso eterno dio che con bona gratia sua et con honore del nome romano nelli possamo magnificare et conservare (f. I).

53 The concluding statement “finito ho el libro con gratia dello eterno dio” (f. 164) is followed by an extensive list of decadent or extinct noble families continuing to f. 175.

54 Catasto, fF. 165^r-v: “On the noble Toschi and Arcioni families I will talk about two very noble families only the better to satisfy my freely offered obligation. First of all I will discuss the Toschi, then the Arcioni. The former family was renowned for its size, power and wealth not only in Rome but throughout Italy and indeed beyond. And to ensure greater stability of their position they were supported by many discreet related families. The former by … And the latter by … Anyone, taking note of their wealth, position and connections which were so complete and guided by reason, would have judged that they would have lasted forever. At least it would have been confirmed if they were still in existence, prosperous and long-lasting. O unjust destiny! O furious and violent fate! O terrible fortune of the Romans! It was not through dissension or civil discord nor any misdeed they might have committed nor even less, that they were apathetic and indolent. Rather they were such that their sober and exemplary lives showed they were worthy of honor and were much loved by everyone. But solely to satisfy your inconstant and fickle nature you bring us now to the point of seeing them not only deprived of wealth and position but losing their men and reduced to such straits that it is with difficulty that one can remember where they lived. Seeing Rome deprived of such noble and well-endowed people, it is not without pain and the greatest sadness that I can continue to discuss their unhappy state.”

55 See Maire-Vigueur, “Classe dominante,” pp. 13-15, and Egidi, P., Necrologi, II, 526.Google Scholar The number of old Roman families still around at the end of the fifteenth century would easily be multiplied by a careful analysis of the lists provided by Egidi.

56 Catasto, f. 169^v: “Considering how magnificent, powerful and honored the noble Hannibali family was then and now to see it brought so low … it was in a much happier state in that century than in the present one, boasting many men, offices and wealth.”

57 Discussing the Novelli, for instance, Altieri says: “ma affatiga trovarasence persona che ce demostri la casa over contrata dove se habitasse …” f. 167.

58 Catasto, ff. 4^v and 136.

59 Catasto, ff. 5^v and 140^v: “As we are discussing the gracious nature of the popes not to place that god on earth and benign Holy Father Pope Paul in their number would be a grave error on our part, seeing that he was so ready and so inclined to glorify every action celebrated by Romans. Nor to satisfy himself in this did he think much of his time or great loss of money.” See also Cruciani, F., Teatro nel Rinascimento. Roma 1450-1550 (Rome, 1983), pp. 78, 120-21.Google Scholar It is interesting to note the comment of a non-Roman (G. P. Arrivabene to Barbara of Brandenburg, 26 February 1463) on the games: “la festa qua de Testazo, che a me pare una cosa molto sempia, ma e la devotione de’ Romani” (quoted by Chambers, D. S., “Giovanni Pietro Arrivabene (1439-1504): Humanist Secretary and Bishop,” Aeuum, 58 (1984), 397–438.Google Scholar

60 Catasto, ff. 5^v and 140^v: “No less did he show himself liberal in the usual spectacles which were by the directive of the late pope greatly magnified with grand ceremony and pomp.”

61 Li nuptiali, p. 115: “And every means was used to put on a good show in the pope's presence, but much more for the fame and eternal glory of the Roman name.”

62 For vernacular literature in Rome, see d'Achille, P. and Giovanardi, C., La letteratura volgare e i dialetti di Roma e del Lazio, I (Rome, 1985)Google Scholar; Adorisio, A. M., “Cultura in lingua volgare a Roma fra quattro e cinquecento,” in Studi di biblioteconomia e storia del libro in onore di Francesco Barberi (Rome, 1976), pp. 19–36.Google Scholar Migliorini, B., Storia della lingua italiana (Florence, 1966)Google Scholar, has a brief discussion of the vernacular in Rome (pp. 210-11, 263-64). On Stefano Porcari's speeches, see M. Miglio, “ ‘Viva la libertà et populo de Roma.’ Oratoria e politica a Roma: Stefano Porcari,” ASRSP, 97 (1974), 5-37. Altieri is also the author of a Latin carmen that takes the form of a prayer to Romulus. The subject-matter is in keeping with Altieri's “romanitas” and is an indication of his close links with the Roman Academy. On this poem, see Bernardini, R., “Ventuno faleci di Marco Antonio Altieri in onore di Pomponio Leto nell'Oliveriano 958,” Studia Oliveriana, 19–20 (1971-72), 47-59.Google Scholar

63 P . Cortesi, De Cardinalatu (Gastrum Cortesium, 1510). For discussion of the work, see J. F. D'Amico, Renaissance Humanism in Papal Rome (Baltimore, 1983), pp. 49-53, 78-80, 162-64, 227-38.

64 Li nuptiali, pp. XXVIII-XXIX.

65 Catasto, f. 162: “We owe to him the archeological reconstruction of the Baths, Coliseum and Capitol through his works Rome Celebrated and Rome Triumphant. For this reason both present and future generations are compelled to love and honor him.” Biondo is also praised in Li nuptiali: “ né volendo esser ingrati alia memoria del Biondo qual tanto fatigose non solo in demostrarce Roma instaurata et triomphante, ma sforzose colli suoi facundi scripti el nome de alguni citadini infra de quelli farce eterni” (p. 149).

66 Li nuptiali, pp. VIII, 30.

67 Egidi, P., Necologi, p. 469.Google Scholar Altieri referred to Platina as his “perfectissimo mio et singulare amico.” Li nuptiali, p. 30.

68 Li nuptiali, p. 30: “I heard them often discussing together the question of marriages.”

69 Li nuptiali, p. 42: “He added to me that Rome was no longer a city; rather it could much rather be called a nursery for servants or slaves.”

70 D'Amico, Renaissance Humanism, pp. 34-36, 92-97.

71 See the discussion in Zabughin, V., Giulio Pomponio Leto: saggio critico, 3 vols. (Rome, 1909-1912).Google Scholar For more recent analyses of the “conspiracy,” see Dunston, A. J., “Pope Paul II and the Humanists,” Journal of Religious History, 7 (1973), 287–306 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Palermino, R. J., “The Roman Academy, the Catacombs and the Conspiracy of 1468,” Archivum historiae pontificiae, 18 (1980), 117-55Google Scholar; Masotti, P. Medioli, “L'accademia romana e la congiura del 1468 (con un'appendice di Augusto Compana,” Italia Medioevale e Umanistica, 25 (1982), 189–204 Google Scholar; D'Amico, , Renaissance Humanism, pp. 91–97.Google Scholar D'Amico attempts to clear Leto of any responsibility in the “conspiracy,” claiming that nothing “more than talk was involved” (p. 94). But it must be said that this “talk” could have provided an intellectual ambience in which a tradition of dissidence was kept alive and may have made the Pope uncomfortable. The conversation that is recorded in Li nuptiali does not give enough evidence for us to transform Leto into a political activist. Yet at the same time it may make us think about his political “awareness.” I cannot agree with Peter Partner's assertion (made in Renaissance Rome 1500-1559) [Berkeley, 1976], p. 14) that “humanism was not an ideological programme but a body of literary knowledge and linguistic skills.” Such a view fails to take into account the complex patronage network that surrounded intellectuals—pressures from their employers and so on. Humanists were not particularly naive—they reacted to their environment in order to turn it to their advantage

72 Li nuptiali, p. XXIV.

73 See Johannis Burkardi, Liber Notarum, in L. A. Muratori, ed., Rerum Italicorum Scriptorum, XXXII: 1: 311 and Pastor, L., The History of the Popes (London, 1950), V, 269-71.Google Scholar

74 Li nuptiali, pp. XLVI-XLVIII. See also Hughes, D. O., “Sumptuary Law and Social Relations in Renaissance Italy,” in Disputes and Settlements: Law and Human Relations in the West, ed. Bossy, J. (Cambridge, 1983), pp. 69–99.Google Scholar

75 Li nuptiali, p. 20: “blinded by dishonorable and hateful greed, for the sole purpose of acquiring great quantities of gold, they ally themselves to this purpose with families of very low and base lineage.”

76 Li nuptiali, p. 20.

77 Li nuptiali, p. 23: “And I, unfortunate, devoid of any honorable functions. If I work to eke out a living, I am forced as a last resort to wear myself out in the rain, wind, sun and fair weather; and to make matters worse, I have to negotiate (unwillingly) with very low and most coarse people over rural matters.”

78 Li nuptiali, p. 28: “The entire city is united, bonded and linked by a benign chain, everlasting and sure, like a father dealing with and talking to his sons as if they were born of the same parent and fed from the same milk.” See also Klapisch-Zuber, p. 1022.

79 Li nuptiali, p. 60: “holding our ceremonies and mysteries in the lowest esteem nor caring much for God.” P. 27: “negotiate the price of their nobility, most wretched and ruinous trade.”

80 Altieri's insistence on the key role played by institutions in maintaining the vitality of a particular society brings to mind Machiavelli's own discussion on the function of religion in state affairs: “e come la osservanza del culto divino è cagione della grandezza delle republiche, così il dispregio di quello è cagione della rovina di esse” (Discorsi, ed. S. Bertelli [Milan, 1973], p. 162). Both writers share the assumption that ancient Rome offers a model of political and social behavior that should be followed as closely as possible. This philosophy is the source of unflattering comparisons with the present. In Altieri's case, there is also present the myth of direct descendency from the ancient Romans, called by him “patri.”

81 Altieri describes the bride: “descesase alio inchiostro, con una tremula et somessa reverentia.” Li nuptiali, p. 67.

82 Li nuptiali, p. 67: “passing the most famous and honored places in the city, preceded by the sound of fifes and trumpets and other instruments.”

83 Li nuptiali, p. 68: “she is handed over like a prisoner to the will of her new husband.”

84 Li nuptiali, p. 69: “After which, the mass would end with instrumental music, singing and much merriment; everyone asking the highest Creator to allow the couple to produce children who would be more useful and much better than them.”

85 Evangelista Capodeferro is praised for having fathered fifteen children: Li nuptiali, p. 93.

86 Li nuptiali, p. 90.

87 Li nuptiali, p. 71.

88 Li nuptiali, p. 77: “And the festoon with the rest of the decoration at the entrance to the house signifies the immense joy that everyone experiences because of the new marriage, with the hope that through the future offspring and the good sense of the new wife it will achieve domestic bliss with many benefits for all the family.”

89 Li nuptiali, p. 91: “marriage is the most certain sustenance without which the city could hardly maintain itself and even less the dynasties and families would never be able to last long.”

90 Li nuptiali, p. 98: “covering the husband in shame together with the rest of the family and his relations“; “Disturbing then the peace, tranquility, the union between the two families, causing scandals, murders and great loss of inherited wealth.”

91 Li nuptiali, p. 6: “the wedding of your dear relative Savo Astallo in which the Prince Colonna took part bringing a generous gift of stockings and cloaks which at that last time seemed as his uniform. The festivities lasted for many days (as it is told) with universal happiness.”

92 Li nuptiali, pp. i (“a reasonable and friendly chain of friendships, families and even of neighborhood”) and 4. (“the banquet procures and conserves friendships”); battle imagery at p. 4.

93 Li nuptiali, p. 156: “our complete respect for the barons.”

94 Li nuptiali, p. 176: “I cannot but have a really high and profound respect for Roman soldiery. It seems to me that by logical and efficacious reasoning I can reproach anyone who thought to put it after the rules, paragraphs and digests or even the chapters and prescriptions noted down in medicine.”

95 Poets receive a privileged treatment in Li nuptiali: they are necessary in order to acquire “laudabil fama” (p. 8). Encomiastic poetry is given short shrift since it brings dishonor in the long term, not matching reality with the content of the poetry. Latin and vernacular poets are mentioned, such as Marullo and Serafino Aquilano (p. 8). Poets and writers associated with the papal court are not neglected by Altieri: “col titolo de ingrato et nostro poco honore se tacerìa el rascionar del Bembo, tanto per la sua suave riraa, prosa elegante et versi arguti et gravi per lo universo mundo celebrato” (p. 147). These poets are known outside Rome so that the patriciate could extend its reputation outside the city: “el medesmo coniecturo de Porcellio Pandone, publicatase non tanto in Roma, ma per qual se voglia loco celebre de Italia, la gloriosa et singular sollemnità delle Palilie future, sia impossibile non ce habbia da mancare” (p. 148).

96 Li nuptiali, p. 154: “I am convinced that Jacovo Astallo, as a close neighbor and relative of our lord, would have come, but thinking of the loss of someone like master Bartolo de Astalli, his nephew [recently dead], not only for the sake of the Astalli clan but all Romans as well as courtiers should grieve by public consent.”

97 See P. Angelini, “Poésie et politique chez les Colonna: une canzone de Cyriaque d'Ancône,” Révue d'études italiennes, 17 (1971), 14-50. Ciriaco addresses Martin V, a Colonna Pope, who is considered capable of bringing about a spiritual revival, and Antonio Colonna, Prince of Salerno. Importantly, the Colonna are compared to the House of the imperial Caesars (p. 28).

98 Li nuptiali, p. XI. It becomes clear that Pompeo Colonna is the leading figure, amongst the barons, during the events of the “pax romana.”

99 Li nuptiali, p. 44.

100 Li nuptiali, p. 44: “Any other popular element is excluded. It is ruled by the will of their nobility only for the common good.”

101 Li nuptiali, p. 138.

102 Li nuptiali, p. 144: “And in order to console you for the reasons already put forward let me add that I have great confidence in heaven and in that supreme redeemer who will inspire the mind of our holy father and good shepherd.”

103 Li nuptiali, p. 156: “but this being the way of things we are forced to be patient.”

104 Li nuptiali, p. 17: “not only by their hats and slippers and velvet shoes but their clothes, bearing and tedious walks accompanied by many diverse servants.”

105 The result was financial disaster, even for the baronial families. See Delumeau, J., Vie économique et sociale de Rome dans la seconde moitié du XVI^e siècle, 2 vols. (Paris, 1957), I, 457-58, 469, 484-Google Scholar

106 Li nuptiali, pp. 17-18: “substance” has been exchanged for “wealth, pomp and other ornamentation.”

107 Altieri's feelings are summed up by the rhetorical question: “perché non abandonare li libri petulanti de Aristide et retornite alii tuoi rigidi, severi et tetrici instituti?” (addressing Rome, Li nuptiali, p. 19).

108 Li nuptiali, p. 18: “those glorious and excellent semi-gods brought about the corruption of their vigorous and noble citizens through Asiatic extravagances.”

109 Li nuptiali, p. XVII: “I am convinced that civil disorder is the origin and source of all our troubles.”

110 Li nuptiali, p. 118: “Building the theater in the Capitol, amazingly large and also tremendously decorated is definite evidence that from the time of the empire up to now never has a similar spectacle been given.”