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Ottoman and French Mandate Land Registers for the Region of Damascus

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  09 March 2016

Michael Provence*
Affiliation:
University of California, San Diego

Extract

In late October 1999 I visited the third annual Syrian National Documentation Festival in the Damascus fairgrounds. Syrian ministry employees and Ba'th Party officials have organized the ten-day long annual Documentation Festival since the mid-1990s. Its stated purpose is to preserve and celebrate the heritage of the nation. In 1999 the exhibition was separated into four large halls devoted to different documents and art. The most prominent hall was devoted to heroic paintings, photos, and videotaped speeches of then Syrian President Hafiz al-Asad. Other halls were devoted to popular art, family, local, and municipal histories and documents, and selections from the archives of various departments and ministries. The final hall contained the ministry of education, ministry of antiquities, including the national archives, the ministry of the interior including the departments of awqâf (sing, waqf), Damascus municipal police, and the ministry of agriculture.

Type
Essays
Copyright
Copyright © Middle East Studies Association of North America 2005

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References

1 Since I never received official permission to read land registers, I have elected not to name the people who helped me.

2 Quataert, Donald , “Part IV, The Age of Reforms: Agriculture,” in Hâlil İnalcik and Donald Quataert, eds., An Economic and Social History of the Ottoman Empire, Vol. 2, 1600–1914 (Cambridge, 2000), p. 885n.Google Scholar

3 Akarh, Engin, showed the importance of agriculture to late Ottoman fiscal health definitively in his “Economic Policy and Budgets in Ottoman Turkey, 1876–1909,Middle East Studies 28 (1992): 443–76.Google Scholar

4 Owen, Roger , “Introduction,” in Owen, Roger ed., New Perspectives on Property and Land in the Middle East (Cambridge, Mass., 2000), p. xi.Google Scholar

5 Ibid, p. xii.

6 Farouk-Sluglett, Marion and Sluglett, Peter, “The Application of the 1858 Land Code in Greater Syria: Some Preliminary Observations,” in Khalidi, Tarif, ed. Land Tenure and Social Transformation in the Middle East (Beirut, 1984).Google Scholar

7 Gerber, Haim, The Social Origins of the Modern Middle East (Boulder, 1987), pp. 7273.Google Scholar

8 Rogan, Eugene, Frontiers of the State in the Late Ottoman Empire: Transjordan, 1850–1921 (Cambridge: 1999), pp. 8283.Google Scholar See Doumani, Beshara, Rediscovering Palestine: Merchants and Peasants in Jabal Nablus, 1700–1900 (Berkeley: 1995), p. 159.Google Scholar

9 Quoted in Mundy, Martha, “Shareholders and the State: Representing the Village in the Late 19th Century Land Registers of the Southern Hawrân”, in Philipp, Thomas ed., The Syrian Land in the 18th and 19th Century (Stuttgart: 1992), p. 217. See her “Qada’ ‘ Ajlun in the Late Nineteenth Century: Interpreting a Region from the Ottoman Land Registers,”in Levant XXVIII (1996): 77–95.Google Scholar

10 See Weulersse, Jacques, Paysans de Syrie et du Proche-Orient (Paris, 1946), pp. 189–90.Google Scholar

11 al-Shihâbî, Mustafâ, Muhâdarât fi al-isti’mâr (Cairo, 1957), pp. 172–73.Google Scholar

12 al-Shihâbî, Mustafâ, al-Mashriq, 57 (Beirut, 1936), p. 444,Google Scholar quoted in Hanna, Abdallah The Attitude of the French Mandatory Authorities Toward Land Ownership in Syria,” in Méouchy, Nadine and Sluglett, Peter, eds., The British and French Mandates in Comparative Perspective (Leiden, 2004), p. 462.Google Scholar ‘Abdallah Hanna is the foremost scholar of rural Syria. As a critic of feudalism, he notes that the mandate led to greater consolidation of landed wealth than Ottoman rule.

13 Shihâbî, , Muhâdarât, p. 172.Google Scholar

14 See Republic of Syria (SirGibb, Alexander & Partners, Consulting Engineers), The Economic Development of Syria (London, 1947), p.20,Google Scholar table 10. The study’s statistics have been reproduced many times, though usually without citing the source. See Gerber, The Social Origins of the Modern Middle East, p. 96, table 6.1, p. 97Google Scholar, adapted from Warriner, Doreen, Land Reform and Development in the Middle East, 2nd edition (London, 1962), p. 83. Also Hanna, ‘Abdallâh, al-Qadiyya al-zira ‘iyya wa al-harakât al-fallâhiyya fi sûriyya wa lubnân (1820–1920), Vol. 2 (Beirut, 1978), pp. 4448. Also, The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development, The Economic Development of Syria: Report of a Mission Organized by the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development at the Request of the Government of Syria (Baltimore, 1955).Google Scholar

15 International Bank, Economic Development of Syria, p. 39.

16 Batatu, Hanna, Syria’s Peasantry, the Descendants of Its Lesser Rural Notables, and Their Politics (Princeton, 1999), pp. 3334, table 2–4.Google Scholar See Perthes, Volker, The Political Economy of Syria under Asad (London, 1995), pp. 8081.Google Scholar

17 Ramez George Tomeh, “Landownership and Political Power in Damascus: 1858–1958,” Unpublished M.A. thesis, AUB, 1977. Tomeh’s thesis is a work of extraordinary scholarship. He received access to land reform expropriation records in 1958 and 1963. To my knowledge, the only other scholar to view these records is ‘Abdallah Hanna.

18 Tomeh, , “Landownership and Political Power in Damascus,” Table A–12, p. 137.Google Scholar