¹ Suspicion of the outsider, who did not conform to the established norm, took many forms and has been the subject of wide-ranging studies. A good starting-point is to be found in Schmugge, L., ‘Über “nationale” Vorurteile im Mittelalter’, DA, 38 (1982), pp. 439–59Google Scholar. Cf. Schwinges, R. C., Kreuzzugsideologie und Toleranz. Studien zu Wilhelm von Tyrus — Monographien zur Geschichte des Mittelalters, 15 (Stuttgart, 1977)Google Scholar; Zur Geschichle der Juden im Deutschland des späten Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit, ed. Haverkamp, A — Monographien …, 24 (Stuttgart, 1981)Google Scholar; Kieckhefer, R., Repression of Heresy in Medieval Germany (Liverpool, 1979), esp. pp. 77ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar. on the perception of heresy as civil disorder.

² Cf. Zeeden, E. W., Die Entstehung der Konfessionen. Grundlagen und Formen der Konfessionsbildung im Zeitalter der Glauhenskämpfe (Munich and Vienna, 1965)Google Scholar; idem, , Konfessionsbildung. Studien zur Reformation, Gegenreformation und katholischen Reform — Spätmittelalter und Frühe Neuzeit. TübingerBeiträge zur Geschichtsforschung, 15 (Stuttgart, 1985)Google Scholar; Skalweit, S., Reich und Reformation (Berlin, 1969), esp. pp. 391ff.Google Scholar: Heckel, M., Deutschland im konfessionellen Zeitalter — Deutsche Geschichte, 5 (Götringen, 1983), esp. pp. 67ff.Google Scholar

³ Cf. S. G. Hall, ‘Constantine and the Church’ in the present volume.

⁴ Cf. Hein, L., Italienische Proleslanlen und ihr Einfluss auf die Reformation in Polen während der beiden Jahrzehnte vor dem Sandomirer Konsens (1570) (Leiden, 1974)Google Scholar; in her—albeit controversial—interpretation, The Valois Tapestries (rev. edn London, 1975), pp. 67-71, the late Dame Frances A. Yates drew attention to the openness of Polish society in the 1570s. Cf. also Heer, F., Die Dritte Kraft. Humanismus zwischen den Fronten des konfessionellen Zeitalters (Frankfurt am Main, 1959).Google Scholar

⁵ Cf. Beumann, H. and Schröder, W., ed., Aspekte der Nationenbildung im Mittelalter. Ergebnisse der Marburger Rundgespräche — Nationes. Historische und philologische Unlersuchungen zur Entslehung der europäischen Nationen im Mittelalter, 2 (Sigmaringen, 1978).Google Scholar

⁶ Modern Irish research has shown the extent to which the traditional description, used by Irish nationalist and British historians alike, of an ‘Anglo-Norman invasion of Ireland’ is a misnomer. For a balanced account see that of Martin, F. X., A New History of Ireland: II. Medieval Ireland, 1169-1534, ed. Cosgrove, A. (Oxford, 1987), pp. 43ff.Google Scholar

⁷ Cf. Watt, J., ‘Ecclesia inter Anglicos et inter Hibemicos: confrontation and coexistence in the medieval diocese of Armagh’ in The English in Medieval Ireland. Proceedings of the First Joint Meeting of the Royal Irish Academy and the British Academy, Dublin 1982, ed. Lydon, J. (Dublin, 1984), pp. 46–64.Google Scholar The same author developed this theme further in the presidential address read to the Ecclesiastical History Society on 21 July 1987 at St Patrick’s College Maynooth: ‘The Church and the two nations in late medieval Armagh’, SCH, 25 (1989), pp. 37—54.

⁸ That is, the kingdom of Bohemia, together with the margravate of Moravia and the two Lusatias.

⁹ An outstanding recent study is Simms, K., From Kings to Warlords. The Changing Political Structure of Gaelic Ireland in the Later Middle Ages (Woodbridge, Suffolk, 1987).Google Scholar

¹⁰ In an Aubrey Gwynn memorial lecture under the tide ‘Preaching, politics and social tension in later medieval Ireland’. This series of lectures is in press. For comparable material for the rest of Europe cf. Europa 1400. Die Krise des Spätmittelalters, ed. Seibt, F. and Eberhard, W. (Stuttgart, 1984).Google Scholar

¹¹ This moral theological dilemma figures frequently in the sermons preached by Archbishop FitzRalph to the merchant communities in Drogheda and in his native Dundalk, cf. Walsh, K., A Fourteenth-Century Scholar and Primate: Richard FitzRalph in Oxford, Avignon and Armagh (Oxford, 1981), esp. pp. 322ff.Google Scholar; cf. Tender, T. N., Sin and Confession on the Eve of the Reformation (Princeton, 1977)Google Scholar, and the stimulating essay by Murray, A., ‘Confession as a historical source in the thirteenth century’ in The Writing of History in the Middle Ages. Essays presented to Richard William Southern, ed. Davis, R. H. C., Wallace-Hadrill, J. M., et al. (Oxford, 1981), pp. 275–322.Google Scholar

¹² Watt, J. A., The Church and the Two Nations in Medieval Ireland — Cambridge Studies in Medieval Life and Thought, ser. 3, 3 (Cambridge, 1970), p. 174.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

¹³ A good general survey is that by Seibt, F., in Handhuch der Geschichte der Böhmischen Länder, ed.Bosl, K., 1 (Stuttgart, 1967), pp. 351–568Google Scholar. Cf. further Śmahel, F., ‘The idea of the nation in Hussite Bohemia. Study on the ideological and political aspects of the national question in the Czech lands from the end of the 14th century to the 1470s’, Historica, 16 (1968), pp. 143–247; 17 (1979), pp. 93–197Google Scholar. Cf. also the literature cited in Walsh, K., ‘Wyclifs legacy in central Europe in the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries’ SCH.S, 5 (1987), pp. 397–417Google Scholar, and Bylina, S., ‘Krisen-Reformen-Entwicklungen. Kirche und Geistesleben im 14.-15. Jahrhundert in den neueren tschechischen und polnischen Forschungen’ in Europa 1400 (as n.10 above), pp. 82–94.Google Scholar

¹⁴ Cf. Simms, K., ‘The archbishops of Armagh and the O’Neills 1347-1471’, Irish Historical Studies, 19 (1974-75), pp. 38—55CrossRefGoogle Scholar; idem, , ‘The concordat between Primate John Mey and Henry O’Neill (1455)’, Archivium Hibemicum, 34 (1976-77), pp. 71–82Google Scholar. Watt’s sample (as n.7 above) also indicates a willingness to mediate in the interests of peace. Idem, ‘John Colton, Justiciar of Ireland (1382) and Archbishop of Armagh (1383-1404)’ in Lydon, J. F., ed., England and Ireland in the Later Middle Ages (Dublin, 1981), pp. 196–213.Google Scholar

¹⁵ The strife between the two nations within the Cistercian Order has been carefully studied by O’Dwyer, B. W., The Conspiracy of Mellifont (Dublin, 1970)Google Scholar; ‘The crisis in the Cistercian monasteries in Ireland in the early thirteenth century’, AG, 31 (1975), pp. 267-304; 32 (1976), pp. 3-112.

¹⁶ Cf. Kantak, K., ‘Die Ostmission der polnischen Observanten und die lithauische Observantenprovinz (1453-1570)’, FS, 14 (1927), pp. 135–68Google Scholar; idem, , ‘Les données historiques sur les bienheureux Bernardins (Observants) polonais du XV^e siècle’, AFH, 22 (1929), pp. 433–61Google Scholar; Kłoczowski, J., ‘Les ordres mendiants en Pologne à la fin du moyen âge’, Acta Poloniae Historica, 15 (1967), pp. 5–38Google Scholar; Minarik, K., ‘Die Provinzvikare der österreichisch-böhmisch-polnischen Observantenprovinz von 1451 bis 1567’, FS, 1 (1914), pp. 328–36Google Scholar; Hofer, J., Johannes Kapistran. Ein Leben im Kampf um die Reform der Kirche, 2 vols, 2nd edn (Heidelberg, 1964), esp. 2, pp. 255ff.Google Scholar

¹⁷ Cf. Teichmann, L., ‘Der deutsche Charakter der böhmischen Observantenprovinz im Mittelalter’, FS, 34 (1952), pp. 61–87Google Scholar, whose interpretation of the German-Slav problem among the Silesian Franciscans differs significantly from that of Doelle, F., Die Observanz-bewegung in der sächsischen Franziskanerpwvinz (Mittel-und Ostdeutschland) bis zum Generalkapitel von Parma 1529 (Münster, 1918).Google Scholar

¹⁸ Cf. Kadlec, J., ‘Das Augustiner-Generalstudium bei Sankt Thomas zu Prag in der vorhussitischen Zeit’, Augustiniana, 17 (1967), pp. 389—401Google Scholar; Hemmerle, J., ‘Nikolaus von Laun’ in Lebensbilder zur Geschichte der böhmischen Länder 3, Karl IV und sein Kreis, ed. Seibt, F. (Munich and Vienna, 1978), pp. 175–197Google Scholar, with extensive bibliography; Schmidt, R., ‘Begründung und Bestätigung der Universität Prag durch Karl IV und die kaiserliche Privilegierung von Generalstudien’, Kaiser Karl IV 1316-1378. Forschungen über Kaiser und Reich, ed. Patze, H. — Blätter für Deutsche Landesgeschichte, 114 (1978), pp. 695–719Google Scholar; on Wenceslaus see most recently Spĕváček, J., Václav IV, 1361-1419 k predpokladum husitské revoluce (Wenceslaus IV 1361—1419Google Scholar and the Beginnings of the Hussite Revolution), and on his collegiate foundation, Betts, R.R., ‘The University of Prague: the first sixty years’ in Essays in Czech History (London, 1969), pp. 13–28, esp. 22f.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For detailed references cf. literature cited in Walsh, ‘Wyclifs legacy’ (as n. 13 above), esp. nn. 23-7.

²⁰ Cf. Gwynn, A., ‘The medieval university of St. Patrick’s, Dublin’, Studies, 27 (1938), pp. 188–212, 437–54Google Scholar. On 13 July 1312 Clement V issued a bull permitting the establishment of a studium generale, and further steps to implement this decree were taken during the pontificate of John XXII, but to no avail. The bull of 1312 is located in ASV, Reg. Vat. 59, fol. 196v, and a faulty text is printed in Monck, W. H. Mason,History and Antiquities of the Collegiate and Cathedral Church of St. Patrick, near Dublin (Dublin, 1820)Google Scholar, appendix, pp. ix-x.

²¹ In addition to the vast literature on the circumstances surrounding the batde of Grünwald/Tannenberg (1410), cf. Burleigh, M., Prussian Society and the German Order. An Aristocratic Corporation in Crisis c.1410-1466 (Cambridge, 1984)Google Scholar; also numerous historical essays in the exhibition catalogue: Polen im Zeitalter der Jagiellonen 1386-1572, Schallaburg 8. Mai-2 November 1986 — KatalogdesNiederösterrekhischen Landesmuseums, Neue Folge, 171 (Vienna, 1986).

²² Schlauch, M., ‘A Polish vernacular eulogy of Wyclif’, JEH, 8 (1957), pp. 53—73Google Scholar esp.P. 56 concerning the Czechs in Cracow from 1418 onwards. Polish interest in the teachings of Wyclif and Hus derived less from criticism of a wealthy endowed church than did that of the Lollards. Hence Jan Długosz, even when writing on behalf of the anti-Hussite cardinal Zbigniew Oleśnicki, could use the example of Constandne with fewer reservations than might otherwise have been the case: cf. U. Borkowska in the present volume.

²³ As n. 12 above.

²⁴ Cf. Grauert, H., ‘Meister Johann von Toledo’, SBAW.PPH (1901), pp. 111–325Google Scholar; Bagliani, A.Paravicini, ‘Medicina e scienze della natura alla corte di Bonifacio VIII: uomini e libri’, Roma anno 1300. Atti della IV Settimana di Studi di Stona dell’Arte medievale dell’Università di Roma “La Sapienza”, a cura di Romanini, A M. (Rome, 1983), pp. 773–89.Google Scholar

²⁵ Cf. Jerome’s statement at his trial in Constance 1416, cited in Betts (as n. 18 above), pp. 26f. Betts saw the importance of Hussirism essentially in the fact that it was the first body of heretical thought to become identified with a successful experiment in national indepen dence: ‘National and heretical religious movements from the end of the fourteenth to the middle of the fifteenth century’, in Essap in Czech History, esp. pp. 117f. But see also Graus, F., ‘Die Bildung eines Narionalbewuℬitseins im mittelalterlichen Böhmen (Die vorhussitische Zeit)’, Historica, 13 (1966), pp. 5–49.Google Scholar

²⁶ LThK ² 3, COlS 7-8.

²⁷ Cited in Burleigh (as n. 21 above), p. 163, and idem, ‘Anticlericalism in fifteenth-century Prussia: the clerical contribution reconsidered’, The Church in Pre-Reformation Society. Essays in honour of Du Boulay, F.R.H., ed. Barron, C.M. and Harper-Bill, C. (Woodbridge, Suffolk 1985), p. 45Google Scholar, from Aden der Ständetage Preussens unter der Herrschaft des Deutschen Ordens, ed. Toepen, M., 3 (Leipzig, 1882), no 85, p. 213Google Scholar. A papal protonotary, Perez (Pires), held successively the sees of Silves, Porto, Evora and died in 1480 as archbishop of Braga, : cf. Hierarchia Catholica medii aevi…per Conradum Eubel, 2 (Monasterii, 1914), pp. 110, 149, 218, 227.Google Scholar

²⁸ J. McLoughlin, ‘Nations and loyalties’ in the present volume has drawn attention to this, though it would appear not to have attracted much attention in other recent research: cf. Luscombe’s, D. ‘A bibliography 1953-82’, in The World of John of Salisbury — SCH.S, 3 (1984), pp. 445–57.Google Scholar

²⁹ Emden, A. B., ‘Northerners and Southerners in the organization of the University to 1509’, Oxford Studies Presented to Daniel Callus — OHS, ns, 16, (1964), esp. pp. 4–5Google Scholar, drew attention to the implausibility of the older view, whereby the border was located at the river Trent—the men of Lincolnshire were reckoned as Northerners.

³⁰ There is no comprehensive study of the studia of the religious Orders in the later medieval universities, but die impression gained from a random sample of piecemeal evidence is that—unlike their secular counterparts—they did not seek the society of their fellow countrymen within the natio.

³¹ The standard work is still Morawski, C., Histoire de l’Université de Cracovie: Moyen Âge et Renaissance, 3 vols (Paris and Cracow, 1900-5)Google Scholar. It appeared simultaneously in French and Polish. A brief survey by Hajdukiewicz, L., ‘Bildungswesen und Wissenschaft in der Epoche der Jagiellonen’, appeared in Polen im Zeitaller der Jagiellonen (as n. 21 above), pp. 77–85.Google Scholar

³² Cf. Walsh, K., ‘Ein Schlesier an der Universität Krakau im 15.Jahrhundert. Zu Biographie, wissenschafdichen Interessen und Handschriftenbesitz des Laurentius von Ratibor’, Archiv für schlesische Kirchengenschichte, 40 (1982), pp. 191–206.Google Scholar

³³ In addition to the work of Jan Długosz cited by U. Borkowska, a number of determinations and conclusiones now extant in MSS inCracow indicate that the questions of authority raised in Basel were enthusiastically discussed in the Polish university: cf. Morawski (as n. 31 above), 2, pp. 62ff.

³⁴ He united in his person—and consciously—the heritage of the Přemyslid dynasty with the French cultural assumptions of the House of Luxemburg: cf. Vita Caroli quarti. Die Autobiographie Karls IV. Einführung, Übersetzung und Kommentar von E. Hillebrand (Stuttgart 1979); idem, , ‘Die Autobiographie Karls IV. Entstehung und Funktion’ in Kaiser Karl W (as a 18 above), pp. 39–72.Google Scholar

³⁵ Cf. Schneider, R., ‘Karolus, qui et Wenceslaus’, Festschrift für Helmut Beumann zum 65. Geburtstag., ed. Jäschke, K.-U. and Wenskus, R. (Sigmaringen, 1977), pp. 365–87Google Scholar.

³⁶ Cf. most recently the important publication: Die Rolle der Juristen bei der Entstehung des modemenStaates, ed. Schnur, R. (Berlin, 1986)Google Scholar; on the sense of corporate professional solidarity which emerged among the academic community, and especially among those who became administrators and learned advisors in lay and ecclesiastical principalities, cf. Boehm, L., ‘Libertas Scholastics und Negotium Scholare: Entstehung und Sozialprestige des Akademischen Standes im Mittelalter’, Universität und Gelehrlenstand, 1400-1800, ed. Rössler, H. and Franz, G. — Deutsche Führungsschichten der Neuzeit, 4 (Limburg an der Lahn, 1970), pp. 15–61.Google Scholar

³⁷ In addition to the extensive literature on the French jurists around King Philip the Fair, cf. Hageneder, O., ‘Weltherrschaft im Mittelalter’, MIÖG, 93 (1985), pp. 257–78Google Scholar, esp. 273; Stelzer, W., Gelehrtes Rechl in Österreich. Von den Anfãngen bis zumfriihen 14. Jahrhundert — MIÖG, Ergänzunsband, 26 (Vienna, 1982).Google Scholar

³⁸ Cf. Bauch, G., ‘Schlesien und die Universität Krakau im XV und XVI Jahrhundert’, Zeitschrift des Vereins für Geschichte und Alterthum Schlesiens, 41 (1907), pp. 99—180.Google Scholar

³⁹ Ritter, G., Die Heidelberger Universität im Mittelalter (1386-1508). Ein Stück deutscher Geschichte (Heidelberg, 1936, reprinted 1986), pp. 506–7Google Scholar, drew attention to this.

⁴⁰ Cf. Moraw, P., ‘Heidelberg: Universität, Hof und Stadt im ausgehenden Mittelalter’, Studien zum städtischen Bildungswesen des späten Mittelahers und der frühen Neuzeit, ed. Moeller, B., Patze, H., and Stackmann, K. — AAWG.PH 111, Folge 137 (Göttingen, 1983), pp. 524–52.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Cf. Klicman, L., ‘Processus iudiciarius contra Jeronimum de Praga habitus Viennae A. 1410—1412’, Historický Archiv, 12 (Prague, 1898), p. 29Google Scholar; idem, , ‘Der Wiener Process gegen Hieronymus von Prag, 1410’, MIÖC, 21 (1900), pp. 445–57Google Scholar; the student’s criticism clearly centred on Jerome’s teaching on universais, and in this context it is worth noting that the Polish eulogist cited in n. 22 above propounded the view that nobody should presume to lecture on universais without being familiar with WycliPs writings—not those of Hus or Jerome of Prague!

⁴² On the rapid increase in travel in the later Middle Ages and the various motives for it cf. Unlerwegssein im Spätmittelaller, ed. Moraw, P. — Zeitschrift für historische Forschung, Beiheft 1 (Berlin, 1984)Google Scholar, with extensive bibliographies.

⁴³ Cf. Gastfreundschaft, Taverne und Gaslhaus im Mittelalter, ed. Peyer, H. C. — Schriften des Historischen Kollegs, Kolloquien, 3 (Munich, 1983)Google Scholar; Schmugge, L., ‘Die Entstehung des organisierten Pilgerverkehrs’, QFIAB, 64 (1984), pp. 1–83Google Scholar; Maas, C. W. (†), The German Community in Renaissance Rome, 1376-1523, ed. Herde, P. — Römische Quartalschrift, Suppl. 39 (Rome, 1981).Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Cf.‘The English Hospice in Rome’, The Venerabile, sexcentenary issue, 21 (Rome, 1962); Parks, G.B., The English Traveller to Italy. I, The Middle Ages (Rome, 1954).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ On the early history of the Anima cf. Schmidlin, J., Geschichte der deutschen Nationalkirche in Rom, Santa Maria dell’Anima (Freiburg im Breisgau and Vienna, 1906)Google Scholar; Lohninger, J., s. Maria dell’Anima. Die acuiscile Nationalkirche in Rom (Rome, 1909)Google Scholar; Lenzenweger, J., Sancta Maria de Anima (Vienna and Rome, 1959).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ The best monograph is still Heimpel, H., Dietrich von Niem (C.1340-1418), (Munster, 1932).Google Scholar

⁴⁷ Cf. Walsh, K., ‘The Roman career of John Swayne, Archbishop of Armagh 1418-1439: Plans for an Irish Hospice in Rome’, Seanchas Ardmhacha, 11 (1983-84), pp. 1–21.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Cited in Nicholls, K., Gaelic and Gaeikised Ireland in the Middle Ages — The Gill History of Ireland, 4 (Dublin and London, 1972), p. 100.Google Scholar

⁴⁹ His vineyards were located on the Gianicolo, close to those of the papal household, cf. Walsh (as n. 47 above), pp. 9-10; Esch, A., Bonifaz IX und der Kirchenstaat — Bibliothek des Deutschen Hislorischen Instituts in Rom, 29 (Tübingen 1969)Google Scholar; idem, , ‘Das Papsttum unter der Herrschaft der Neapolitaner. Die führende Gruppe Neapolitaner Familien an der Kurie während des Schismas 1378—1415’, Festschrift für Hermann Heimpel zum 70. Geburtstag, 3 vols (Götringen, 1972), 2, pp. 713—800.Google Scholar

⁵⁰ Watt, ‘John Colton’ (as n. 14 above).

⁵¹ A rather eccentrically organized, but informative, calender of the unpublished registers of Archbishop Swayne appeared as The Register of John Swayne, Archbishop of Armagh and Primate of Ireland 1418-1439, with Some Entries of Earlier and Later Archbishops, ed. Chart, D. A. (Belfast, 1935)Google Scholar. It contains numerous references to the Archbishop’s dealings with his flock inter Hibernicos.

⁵² Cf. also Watt, in A New History of Ireland (as n. 6 above), pp. 386ff. on the implications of the Statutes.

⁵³ Idem, ‘Ecclesia inter Anglicos et inter Hibernicos’, and ‘The Church and the two nations’, (as n. 7 above).

⁵⁴ For an important study of the later registers cf. Gwynn, A., The Medieval Province of Armagh, 1470-1545 (Dundalk, 1946)Google Scholar. The only register to have appeared so far in a satisfactory modern edition is Registmm Johannis Mey. The Register of John Mey, Archbishop of Armagh 1443-1456, ed. Quigley, W. G. H. and Roberts, E. F. D. (Belfast, 1972).Google Scholar

⁵⁵ Cf. ‘A Calender of the Register of Archbishop Sweteman’, ed. Lawlor, H.J., PRIA, 29 C (1911), pp. 213–310.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ Kreisky, B., Voraussetzungen der Koexistenz. Vortrag des Österreichischen Bundesministers für Auswärtige Angelegenheiten im Polnischen Institut für Internationale Angelegenheiten in Warschau am 2. März 1960 (Freiburg im Breisgau, 1960).Google Scholar

⁵⁷ ‘A Calendar of the Register of Archbishop Fleming’, ed. Lawlor, H.J., PRIA, 30 C (1912), no 36, p. 109 (19 December 1406).Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Watt, ‘John Coltoti’ (as n. 14 above).

⁵⁹ A royal decree of 1360 to the sheriff of Kilkenny also noted the abandonment of the English language in favour of Irish, and drew attention to the practice of English families in Ireland of sending their children to be educated among the Gaelic Irish, so that they would learn the Irish language, cited in A New History of Ireland (as n. 6 above), p. 713.

⁶⁰ Cf. Bradshaw, B., ‘George Browne, first Reformation Archbishop of Dublin, 1536-1554’, JEH, 21 (1970), pp. 301–26Google Scholar; Walsh, K., ‘Luther-Rezeption auf den Britischen Inseln: George Browne, englischer Augustiner-Eremit und Erzbischof von Dublin († 1556); Marlin Luther Leistung und Erbe, ed. Bartel, H. (†), Brendler, G., Hübner, H., and Laube, A. (Berlin/DDR, 1986), pp. 299–308.Google Scholar