¹ Sura CV.

² Letter from Saladin to the caliph in A[bou] C[hamah, Le Livre des deux Jardins] RHC Or 4, p 233.

³ It would be invidious to single out particular works. This view has generally prevailed since the publication of Schlumberger’s life of Reynald (see note 5) in 1898.

⁴ Prawer, J., Histoire du Royaume latin de Jérusalem, 2 vols (Paris 1969-70) 1, pp 594-6Google Scholar.

⁵ Schlumberger, [G.], [Renaud de Châtillon, Prince d’Antioche, Seigneur de la terre d’outre-Jourdain] (Paris 1898)Google Scholar.

⁶ See the study of the relationship of these sources by Morgan, M. R., The Chronicle of Ernoul and the Continuations of William of Tyre, Oxford Historical Monographs (Oxford 1973)Google Scholar.

⁷ Schlumberger pp 3-4 argues that he was the younger son of Geoffrey, count of Gien-sur-Loire, and therefore took his cadet title from Châtillon-sur-Loing. His authority is [Chronique d’]Ernoul [et de Bernard le Tresorier , ed Latrie, M. L. de Mas] (Paris 1871) p 22 Google Scholar.

⁸ He is first mentioned serving Baldwin III as a mercenary knight at the siege of Ascalon. His marriage caused general astonishment ‘that such a famous, powerful and well-born woman, the widow of such an outstanding husband, should condescend to marry a kind of mercenary knight.’ W[illiam of] T[yre Historia Rerum in partitas transmarinisgestarum,] XVII, xxi, xxvi, RHC Occ 1, pp 796, 802.

⁹ This occurred after 1153 and before 1155 when Amalric de Limoges was living in Jerusalem, Cartulaire de l’Église du St-Sépulcre de Jérusalem , ed Rozière, E. de, Collection des documents inédits sur l’histoire de France , series 1, 5 (Paris 1849) no 50 pp 92-3Google Scholar. As Amalric did not die until 1193, [Chronique de] M[ichel le] S[yrien , patriarche jacobite d’Antioche (1166-99), ed Chabot, J. B.], 4 vols (Paris 1899-1924) XXI Google Scholar, viii, vol 3, pp 411-12, it is difficult to accept William of Tyre’s description of him as sacerdos longaevus at the time of his arrest by Reynald, WT XVIII, i, RHC Occ 1, pp 816-17.

¹⁰ WT, XVIII, x, RHC Occ 1, pp 834-5: Cinnamus, [John], [ Libri Historiarum , ed. Meineke, A.] (Bonn 1836) IV, 17, pp 178-80Google Scholar.

¹¹ In fairness to Reynald it should be said that he claimed that Shaizar was traditionally part of the principality of Antioch, but count Thierry of Flanders, to whom Baldwin 111 proposed giving the city when it was captured, refused to do homage to Reynald for it, WT, XVIII, XVIII, xviii. RHC Occ 1, pp 847-51.

¹² WT XVIII, xxiii, RHC Occ 1, pp 859-61; Cinnamus, IV, 18, pp 181-3.

¹³ WT XVIII, xxviii, RHC Occ 1, pp 868-9, who gives a precise date, November 23 in the eighteenth year of king Baldwin’s reign. Baldwin was crowned on Christmas Day 1143, Mayer, H-E., ‘Studies in the History of Queen Melisende of Jerusalem’, DOP 26 (1972) p 114 Google Scholar, therefore his eighteenth year began on 25 December 1160, and Reynald’s capture occurred on 23 November 1161. This is confirmed by Kamal-ad-Din who places the event in Dou-kidja A.H. 556, that is, 22 November-21 December 1161, [L’histoire d’Alep de] Kamal-ad-Dîn’, [trans Blochet, E.], R[ivue de l’]0[rient] L[atin], 3 (Paris 1895) p 533 Google Scholar.

¹⁴ In c1163, Cange, Du, Les Familles d’Outre-Mer, ed Rey, E. G. (Paris 1869, repr 1971)p 194 Google Scholar.

¹⁵ He came of age in 1163. In the interval between Reynald’s capture and that year the government was committed to the partiarch Amalric by Baldwin III, WT XVIII, xxx, RHC Occ 1, p 872.

¹⁶ WT XXI, xi, RHC Occ 1, p 1025, who places Reynald’s release in the second year of Baldwin IV’s reign, 15 July 1175-14 July 1176. Reynald witnessed a charter of Baldwin lord of Ramleh in 1176, CGOH no 495. Michael the Syrian states that count Jocelyn’s ransom was 50,000 dinars, that of Raymond III of Tripoli, released a few years before, 80,000 and Reynald’s 120,000, MS XX, iii, vol 3, pp 365-6. Some value must be attached to these figures because the amount of count Raymond’s ransom is independently attested, WT XX, xxviii, RHC Occ 1, p 995.

¹⁷ She had married Manuel Comncnus on Christmas Day 1161, WT XVIII, xxxi, RHC Occ 1 p 876; Cinnamus V, 4, pp 210-11.

¹⁸ Nicctas Choniates, de Manuele Comneno , V, 8, ed Niebuhr, B. G. (Bonn 1835) p 221 Google Scholar; Chronica Albrici monachi Triům Fontium a monacho novi monasterii Hoiensis interpolata , ed Scheffer-Boichorst, P., MGH SS 23 (Hanover 1874) p 850 Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Agnes de Courtenay, daughter of Jocelyn II, count of Edessa. Her marriage to Amalric had been annulled in 1162 at the insistence of the high court of Jerusalem, though the children of the marriage, Baldwin IV and Sibyl, were legitimated. WT XIX, 4, RHC OCC 1, pp 889-90; in 1167 Amalric married Maria Comnena, who bore him one daughter, Isabel.

²⁰ WT, XXI, xi, RHC Occ 1, p 1025 states that their release was simultaneous.

²¹ Nicholson, R. L., Joscelyn III and the Fall of the Crusader States 1134-1199 (Leiden 1973) P 73 Google Scholar. n 173.

²² Before November 1177 when Reynald made a grant as ‘quondam Antiochie princeps et nunc . . . Hebronensis et Montis Regalis domius,’ CGOH no 521. Stephanie had been married twice before, to Humphrey III of Toron to whom she bore two children, Humphrey IV and Isabel, and after his death to Miles de Plancy, Amalric I’s seneschal. That marriage was childless, and Miles was assassinated in 1174, WT XXI, iv, RHC Occ 1 pp 1008-9.

²³ The appointment was first offered to the king’s cousin, the count of Flanders, who was visiting the holy land, but for a variety of reasons he declined it. William of Tyre implies that Reynald had exercised the regency before the count of Flanders’s arrival in the east: ‘Constituit ergo dominus rex, sicut et prius ante comitis introitum fecerat, regni et exercituum procuratorem dominům Rainaldum.’ He adds that Reynald was to be ‘subject in all things to the advice of the count’ (of Flanders), but as the count left for north Syria almost immediately this was not an effective limitation of Reynald’s powers. WT, XXI, xiii-xix (specially xiv), RHC Occ 1, pp 1025-37.

²⁴ William of Tyre records Reynald’s presence at the battle, but treats the king as commander-in-chief. He adds that the entire Frankish force consisted only 375 men, WT XXI, xxii-xxiv, RHC Occ 1 pp 1041-47; Ernoul p 54 praises Reynald’s courage in this battle, but does not name him as commander. Moslem writers state unequivocally that Reynald commanded the crusader army, Behâ ed-Dîn, [The Life of Saladin, trans C. W. Wilson], PPTS (1897) pp 75-6; AC, RHC Or 4, pp 188-9.

²⁵ ‘This is how the Sultan himself spoke .. . of this defeat.. .: “Great though this disaster was, God . . . made it good at the famous victory of Hattin.” I would add . . . that that only happened ten years later.’ AC, RHC Or 4, p 189.

²⁶ He heads the list of lay witnesses in a group of royal charters issued between 1177 and 24 February 1182: 1177, grant of the heir-apparent, Sibyl, countess of Jaffa, Pauli, S., Codice diplomatico del sacro militare ordine Gerosolimitano oggi di Malta, 2 vols (Lucca 1733-7) 1, p 63 Google Scholar no lxiii; 1177, charter of Baldwin IV, Roulx, J. Delaville Le, Les archives, la bibliothèque et le trésor de l’ordre de St. Jean de Jérusalem à Malte , Bibliothèque des] é[coles] f[rançaises d’] A[thènes et de] R[ome], series 1, 32 (Paris 1883) pp 127-8Google Scholar no xxxix; 1177, charter of the countess Sibyl, ibid pp 129-30 no xli; 22 October 1179, charter of Baldwin IV, [Tabulae ordinis Theutonici] ed Strehlke, [E.] (Berlin 1869) pp 11–12 Google Scholar no xi; 28 April 1180, charter of Baldwin IV, CGOH no 582; 6 February 1182, charter of Baldwin IV, CGOH no 625; 24 February 1182, charter of Baldwin IV, Strehlke pp 13-14 no xiv.

²⁷ He was the only lay member of the delegation sent from Jerusalem to Antioch in 1181 to try to mediate peace between Bohemond III and the patriarch, WT XXII, vii, RHC Occ 1, p 1073.

²⁸ He mediated in a property dispute between the abbess of Ste. Marie la Grande and the Abbot of Our Lady of Josaphat, the document is undated. Kohler, Ch., ‘Chartes de l’abbaye de Notre-Dame de la Vallée de Josaphat en Terre-Sainte (1108-1291)— Analyses et extraits’, ROL 7 (1899) no xlv, pp 153-4Google Scholar.

²⁹ Roupen III, prince of Ciucia, married Isabel of Toron in 1181, Ernoul p 31; Sempad the Constable, Chronique du royaume de la petite Arménie, RHC Arm 1, p 627.

³⁰ WT XXII, v, RHC Occ 1, p 1068-9.

³¹ WT XXII, i, RHC Occ 1, pp 1062-3 Ernoul p 60.

³² WT XXII, iv, RHC Occ, p 1068.

³³ This was criticised by William of Tyre because it gave the crusaders no advantage, WT XXII, i, RHC Occ 1, p 1063.

³⁴ P. Deschamps, Les châteaux des Croisés en Terre Sainte. I. Le Crac des Chevaliers. II. La défense du royaume de Jérusalem (Haut Commissariat de la République française en Syrie et au Liban. Service des Antiquités et Beaux-Arts. Bibliothèque archéologique et historique, 19, 34), 2 vols (Paris 1934-9) 2, pp 34-98.

³⁵ al-Athir, Ibn [extract from the Kamel-Altevarykh,] in RHC Or 1, p 578.Google Scholar Compare the letter later written by the Cadi el-Fadhel to the caliph detailing Saladin’s achievements in AC, RHC Or 4, pp 174-5.

³⁶ In 1171 and 1173 Saladin campaigned in Outre-Jordan but achieved no permanent success because he failed to co-operate with the army of Nureddin. See Ehrenkreuz, A. S., Saladin (New York 1972) pp 99-101Google Scholar.

³⁷ This does not imply that Saladin wanted peace with the Franks as a whole. Possession of a port on the Syrian coast would have speeded troop movements between Egypt and Damascus and Saladin’s campaign in Galilee in 1179 can best be understood as an attempt to gain such a port.

³⁸ Abou Chamah dates this attack A.H. 577, 17 May 1181-7 May 1182. He cites a letter sent by Saladin to the caliph in which the sultan explains that it had been possible to take a cavalry force across the Syrian desert that winter because ‘the desert is covered this year with abundant grass’. RHC Or 4, pp 213-15.

³⁹ Ernoul gives two very similar accounts of Reynald’s seizing a caravan during a time of truce and both seem to refer to this incident, pp 54-6, 96-7. WT XXII, xiv, RHC Occ 1, p 1088, makes a brief reference to the seizure of the caravan but not to the projected attack on Teïma. The chief account is in Abou Chamah cited in n 38.

⁴⁰ Abou Chamah quotes from the letter which Saladin sent to the caliph to justify himself. Although he had taken no direct part in foiling Reynald he was clearly concerned lest his ability to defend the haj should be called in question. He writes: ‘We are amazed that while We are defending the tomb of the prophet (blessings be upon hiin), and are solely concerned with its protection, [the prince of Mosul] is disputing the land which belongs to Us and attempting to seize it unjustly.’ AC, RHC Or 4, p 215.

⁴¹ Ernoul p 55.

⁴² WT XXII, xiv, RHC Occ 1, pp 1077-9, relates how Raymond returned to court at easter 1182 through the pressure of barons who were favourable to him. His ascendancy is reflected in a charter of 27 April in which the king granted tithes at Toron to William of Tyre. For the first time since 1177 Reynald did not rank first among the lay-witnesses to a royal charter drawn up when he was present at court, but was listed after Raymond III and count Jocelyn, Strehlke no 15, pp 14-15.

⁴³ He left Cairo on 12 May and reached Damascus on I7june, AC, RHC Or 4, pp 217-18. WT XXII, xiv, xv, RHC Occ 1, pp 1087-92, is very critical of the way in which the campaign was conducted.

⁴⁴ WT XXII, xvi-xviii, RHC Occ 1, pp 1092-1101.

⁴⁵ This caused great alarm in the crusader kingdom, WT XXII, xix, RHC Occ 1, pp 1101-2.

⁴⁶ Ibid XXII, xx-xxii, RHC Occ 1, pp 1102-9.

⁴⁷ Ernoul mentions the expedition but treats it as a voyage of exploration, pp 69-70.

⁴⁸ The campaign started after 25 August 1182 when Reynald was with the court at Acre, Müller, G., Documenti sulle relazioni delle città toscane coll’Oriente cristiano e coi Turchi fino all’anno 1331, Documenti degli archivi toscani 3 (Florence 1879) no 19, p 23 Google Scholar, and el-’Imad says that victory was obtained by the Moslems in the month of Chawal A.H. 578 (28 January-26 February 1183), AC, RHC Or 4, p 230.

⁴⁹ Ibn al-Athir says that ships were built at Kerak, RHC Or 1, pp 658-9. This is unlikely since there would not have been suitable materials or skilled craftsmen there. Probably they were built at one of the ports controlled by Reynald’s ally, Guy of Lusignan, perhaps at Ascalon.

⁵⁰ AC, RHC Or 4, p 231; [Blochet, E., ‘Histoire d’Égypte de] Makrizi[, traduction française accompagnée de notes historiques et géographiques],’ ROL 6 (1898) pp 435-89Google Scholar, 8 (1900-1) pp 165-212, 501-33, 9 (1902) pp 6-163, 466-530, 10 (1903-4) pp 248-371, 11 (1905-8 pp 192-232, 8 p 550; [The Travels of] Ibn Jubayr[, trans Broadhurst, R. J. C.] (London 1952) p 52 Google Scholar.

⁵¹ From the descriptions of the siege it seems probable that the Moslem garrison had taken refuge on the fortified Ile de Graye, facing Eilat, AC RHC Or 4, p 231, Makrizi ROL 8, pp 550-2. Schlumberger is probably correct in suggesting that Reynald supervised the siege of Eilat and did not accompany the rest of the fleet. This would account for his escape from the Moslem counter-attack. Schlumberger, G., ‘Expédition de Renaud de Châtillon contre Ь Mecque et Médine,’ Récits de Byzance et des Croisades , 2 vols (Paris 1922) 2 p 147 Google Scholar.

⁵² The Arab sources agree on the main outlines of the campaign; Ibn al-Athir, RHC Or 1, pp 658-9; AC, RHC Or 4, pp 230-5; Makrizi, ROL 8, pp 550-2; Modjir-ad-Dîn, Histoire de Jérusalem et d’Hébron, cited Blochet, E., ‘L’histoire d’Alep de Kamal ad-Dîn,’ ROL 4, p 160 Google Scholar, n 1; Ibnjubayr, pp 51-3. Ibn Jubayr relates the rumour that Reynald’s men intended to steal the prophet’s body. This is possible. It would have been as useful a bargaining counter to the crusaders as the True Cross later proved to be to the Moslems. Modjir-ad-Dîn’s surmise that Reynald wished to re-bury the prophet’s remains in Frankish territory and attract the profitable Moslem pilgrim traffic there is less plausible.

⁵³ El-Fadhel says that 170 prisoners were taken; el-’Imad says that some were executed at Mecca ‘like animals destined for sacrifice’, both are cited in AC, RHC Or 4, pp 231, 235. According to Makrizi only two prisoners were sacrificed in this way, ROL 8, p 552. Ibn Jubayr saw some of these crusaders executed at Alexandria in March 1183, p 51.

⁵⁴ WT XXII, xxv RHC Occ 1, pp 1116-17. Reynald was certainly attending the king at this time, ibid XXII, xxvii, RHC Occ 1, p 1122.

⁵⁵ Ibid XXII, xxviii, RHC Occ 1, p 1124; Ernoul p 103.

⁵⁶ One hundred men from the garrisons of Kerak and Montreal were captured or killed in a saracen ambush in the previous summer, AC, RHC Or 4, p 243.

⁵⁷ Behâ ed-Dîn, pp 91-2. These reinforcements reached Kerak on 22 November.

⁵⁹ On November 23 Reynald was forced to abandon the faubourg and retreat to the castle. This enabled Saladin to range mangoneb on the garrison and to keep up a heavy bombardment. Kamal ad-Dîn, ROL 4 p 170; el-’Imad, cited AC, RHC Or 4 pp 248-9; WT XXII, xxx, RHC Occ 1, p 1129.

⁵⁹ Saladin left Damascus on 22 October and the crusader relief army arrived on 4 December, Behâ ed-Dîn pp 91-2. Saladin must have reached Kerak at the beginning of November: William of Tyre says the siege lasted per mensem continuum, XXII, xxx, RHC Occ 1, p 1130. The royal army only took three days to reach Kerak from Jerusalem, Ernoul p 105. Ernoul p 104 states that Reynald sent a messenger to ask the king for help when the siege began and lit a beacon on the keep, visible in Jerusalem, to show that he was being attacked.

⁶⁰ WT XXII, xxix, RHC Occ 1, pp 1127-8.

⁶¹ Ibid XXII, xxx, 1, pp 1129-30; Ernoul pp 105-6; el-’Imad in AC, RHC Or 4, pp 245-8; Behâ ed-Dîn p 92; Kamal ad-Dîn ROL 4, p 170.

⁶² AC, RHC Or 4, pp 249-56; Behâ ed-Dîn pp 94-7; Kamal ad-Dîn ROL 4, p 172.

⁶³ He heads the list of lay witnesses in a confirmation of the sale of crown lands issued by Baldwin V and Raymond of Tripoli at Acre on 16 May 1185, Delaborde, H-F., Chartes de la Terre Sainte provenant de l’Abbaye de Notre-Dame de Josaphat, BEFAR, 19 (Paris 1880) no 43, pp 91-2Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Ernoul p 124; [L’Estoire de, ] Eracles [Empereur et la Conqueste de la terre d’Outremer], XXIII, viii, RHC Occ 2, pp 12–13 Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ Ibn al-Athir, RHC On, p 676.

⁶⁶ In Baldwin IV’s reign Raymond of Tripoli had only agreed to act as regent for Baldwin V on condition that should the child-king die before coming of age the respective claims of his two sisters should be referred to the pope, the western emperor and the kings of France and England for adjudication. Eracles XXIII, iv, RHC Occ 2, pp 6-7; Ernoul pp 115-19. Traditionally such a choice belonged to the high court of Jerusalem.

⁶⁷ Reynald addressed the people assembled in the Holy Sepulchre before Sibyl’s coronation affirming that ‘ce est li plus apareissanz et li plus dreis heirs dou roiaume.’ Eracles XXIII, xvii, RHC Occ 2, p 28.

⁶⁸ Ernoul pp 135-6. Reynald’s involvement in this is nowhere explicitly stated. Yet if Humphrey of Toron had not been in agreement with his stepfather he would not have made his submission to Sibyl, and this suggests some measure of communication between Reynald and Humphrey.

⁶⁹ With the exception of Raymond of Tripoli, who was, in his wife’s right, prince of Galilee, all the barons of the kingdom made their submission to Guy with varying degrees of goodwill, Ernoul pp 136-7. It is arguable that Guy and Sibyl, who held the counties of Jaffa and Ascalon and the cities of Jerusalem and Acre, would not have given way so readily to Humphrey had he been crowned, and that the kingdom would have been divided by civil war.

⁷⁰ Ibn al-Athir dates this A.H. 582 (24 March 1186-14 March 1187), RHC Or 1, p 676. Eracles XXIII, xxiii, RHC Occ 2, p 34, places it after Guy’s coronation. The incident is also reported by el-’Imad, cited AC, RHC Or 4, pp 258-9, and by Behâ ed-Dîn P 114.

⁷¹ RHC Or 1, p 676.

⁷² He initially went to escort a pilgrim caravan in which his sister was travelling and subsequently laid waste the lands around Kerak and Montreal, Behâ ed-Dîn pp 108-9; AC, RHC Or 4, pp 261-2.

⁷³ Reynald heads the list of lay witnesses in three charters issued by king Guy in favour of count Jocelyn on 21 October 1186, Strehlke nos 21-3, pp 19-21. He also heads the lay witnesses in a grant of king Guy for the German hospital of Jerusalem, issued on 7 March, Strehlke no 20, p 18. The document is dated ‘MCLXXXVI, indicatione V^a’ and is dated 7 March 1186 by the editor. This is wrong since Guy was not king then. Clearly a mistake has been made in the transcription, and the document was drawn up on 7 March 1187. This is confirmed by the fact that the fifth indiction ran from 1 September 1186-31 August 1187.

⁷⁴ Eracles XXIII, xxxi-xxxiii, xxxv, RHC Occ 2, pp 47-50, 52-3.

⁷⁵ Ernoul pp 172-4; Eracles XXIII, xlv, RHC Occ 2, p 67; Ibn al-Athir RHC Or 1, p 687; Kamal ad-Dîn, ROL 4, pp 180-1; Behâ ed-Dîn pp 42-3, 114-15; AC, citing various sources, RHC Or 4, pp 275-6, 284-5, 298-9, 305.

⁷⁶ Both Geoffrey and Amalric of Lusignan were present at Hattin, Peter does not specify which was his source. Peter of Blois, Passio Reginaldis Principis Antiocheni, PL 207 (1854) cols 957-76.

⁷⁷ Sicut elephanti animantur ad bellum ostensione sanguini:, sic et fortius animaverat Christi milites vivificae crucis ostensio et memoria Dominicae passionis. Ibtd col 974.