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Penitential Manuscripts and the Teaching of Penance in Carolingian Europe

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2019

Eleni Leontidou*
Affiliation:
Brussels
*
*House of European History, Rue Belliard / Belliardstraat 135, 1000 Brussels, Belgium. E-mail: elenileontidou@live.com.

Abstract

This article discusses the educational value of penitential literature in Carolingian Francia. In particular, it looks at manuscripts which were not simple penitential handbooks but were compiled as educational tools for priests. Apart from penitential works, these manuscripts included monastic rules, moral and ascetic works providing moral instruction, and, in some cases, school texts and glossaries.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 2019 

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References

1 Due to the tendency to regard manuscripts comprising a variety of texts belonging to different genres as ‘miscellanea’, these manuscripts are rarely studied in much detail.

2 For an important general overview of the Carolingian Renaissance, see Contreni, John J., ‘The Carolingian Renaissance: Education and Literary Culture’, in McKitterick, Rosamond, ed., The New Cambridge Medieval History, 2: c.700 –c.900 (Cambridge, 1995), 709–57CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Buck, Thomas M., Admonitio und Praedicatio. Zur religions-pastoralen Dimension von Kapitularien und kapitulariennahen Texten (507–814) (Frankfurt am Main, 1997), 67156Google Scholar.

3 For an overview of penance and penitential reforms under the Carolingians, see Meens, Rob, Penance in Medieval Europe, 600–1200 (Cambridge, 2014), 106–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

4 Bullough, Donald A., Carolingian Renewal: Sources and Heritage (Manchester, 1991), 160240Google Scholar (‘Alcuin and the Kingdom of Heaven’), at 173–4.

5 On blushing, see Firey, Abigail, ‘Blushing before the Judge and Physician: Moral Arbitration in the Carolingian Empire’, in eadem, ed., A New History of Penance (Leiden. 2008), 173200CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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9 Ibid. 264.

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13 Kottje, Raymund, ‘Buße oder Strafe? Zur “Iustitia” in den “Libri Paenitentiales”’, in La giustizia nell'alto medioevo (secoli V–VIII), Settimane di Studio del centro italiano di studi sull'alto medioevo 42 (Spoleto, 1995), 443–74Google Scholar.

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15 See the discussion in Kottje, ‘Buße oder Strafe?’.

16 Vatican City, BAV, Pal. Lat. 485, fol. 101v.

17 Bischoff, Bernhard, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen), 3 vols (Wiesbaden, 1998–2017), 3: 542Google Scholar.

18 Ibid. 60.

19 My sources for the choice of manuscripts discussed here were Meens's list of educational manuscripts (Het tripartite boeteboek, 259–60) and the lists of manuscripts including individual penitential books in the appendices of his Penance in the Early Middle Ages, 226–37. Raymund Kottje's comprehensive presentation of manuscripts containing Halitgar's penitential was also useful: Die Bussbücher, 14–82.

20 There is however, an early tenth-century manuscript which belongs in this category: Paris, BN, MS 614A. It includes penitential and liturgical material, but also the Interrogationes de littera et de singulis causis, a school text: see Everett, Nicholas, ‘The Interrogationes de littera et de singulis causis: An Early Medieval School Text’, Journal of Medieval Latin 16 (2006), 227–75CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 254. Further research is needed to establish whether similar books continued to be transcribed well into the tenth century.

21 Paxton, Frederick S., ‘“Bonus liber”: A Late Carolingian Clerical Manual from Lorsch (Bibliotheca Vaticana MS Pal. lat. 485)’, in Mayali, Laurent and Tibbetts, Stephanie A. J., eds, The Two Laws: Studies in Medieval Legal History dedicated to Stephan Kuttner (Washington DC, 1990), 130Google Scholar.

22 Bischoff, Katalog, 3: 312 (no. 5642).

23 ‘[D]isciplina a discendo dicta est’: St Gall, Stiftsbibliothek, MS Cod. Sang. 184 (codicological unit 2), fol. 189.

24 ‘Propter hoc discitur bene vivere, ut perveniatur ad semper vivere’: ibid.

25 Laistner, M. L. W., ‘Notes on Greek from the Lectures of a Ninth-Century Monastery Teacher’, Bulletin of the John Rylands Library 7 (1923), 421–56CrossRefGoogle Scholar; see also Lendinara, Patrizia, ‘The Scholica graecarum glossarum and Martianus Capella’, in Teeuwen, Mariken, O'Sullivan, Sinéad, eds, Carolingian Scholarship and Martianus Capella: Ninth-Century Commentary Traditions on De nuptiis in Context (Turnhout, 2011), 301–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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27 Bischoff, Katalog, 2 : 51 (no. 2191); K. A. De Meyier, Codices Vossiani latini, 1: Codices in Folio (Leiden, 1973), 100–3; Leonardi, Claudio, ‘Raterio e Marziano Capella’, Italia medioevale e umanistica 2 (1959), 73102Google Scholar; Préaux, Jean, ‘Les Manuscrits principaux du De nuptiis Philologiae et Mercuri de Martinus Capella’, in Cambier, Guy, Deroux, Carl and Préaux, Jean, eds, Lettres latines du moyen âge et de la renaissance (Brussels, 1978), 76128Google Scholar, at 79, 101, 123; Teeuwen, Mariken, Harmony and the Music of the Spheres: The Ars Musica in Ninth-Century Commentaries on Martianus Capella (Leiden, 2002), 72–3Google Scholar, 88–98.

28 ‘Duodecim abusivis sunt saeculi: sapiens sine operibus, senex sine religione, adolescens sine oboedientia, dives sine elemosyna, femina sine pudicitia, dominus sine virtute, Christianus contentiosus, pauper superbus, rex iniquus, episcopus neglegens, plebs sine disciplina et populus sine lege’: Pseudo-Cyprian, De duodecim abusivis saeculi (CSEL 3/3, 152).

29 Ibid. 152–73. On the text, see Breen, Aidan, ‘The Evidence of Antique Irish Exegesis in Pseudo-Cyprian, De duodecim abusivis saeculi’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy 87C (1987), 71101Google Scholar; On the text's popularity in Carolingian Europe, see Anton, Hans H., ‘Pseudo-Cyprian: De duodecim abusivis saeculi und sein Einfluss auf den Kontinent, insbesondere auf die karolingischen Fürstenspiegel’, in Löwe, Heinz, ed., Die Iren und Europa im früheren Mittelalter, 2 vols (Stuttgart, 1982), 2: 568617Google Scholar.

30 Meens, Rob, ‘Politics, Mirrors of Princes and the Bible: Sins, Kings and the Well-being of the Realm’, EME 7 (1998), 345–57Google Scholar.

31 See Contreni, ‘Carolingian Renaissance’, 739–40.

32 See also Solivan, Jennifer, ‘Depictions of Virtues and Vices as Mnemonic Devices’, Imago Temporis: Medium Aevum 11 (2017), 159–92Google Scholar.

33 Straw, Carole, ‘Gregory, Cassian, and the Cardinal Vices’, in Newhauser, Richard, ed., In the Garden of Evil: The Vices and Culture in the Middle Ages (Toronto, ON, 2005), 3558Google Scholar; eadem, Gregory the Great: Perfection in Imperfection (Berkeley, CA, 1988), 107–27.

34 On clerical and monastic schools, see Contreni, ‘Carolingian Renaissance’, 713–15.

35 ‘External’ monastic schools were located outside the precincts of the monastery, and were intended for the education of children not destined for the monastic life. The external school of the monastery of St Gall is an example often cited to argue for the widespread existence and operation of such schools during the Carolingian period, but Hildebrandt, M. M., The External School in Carolingian Society (Leiden, 1992)Google Scholar, argues that it was neither typical nor regular in the ninth century. On complaints about the disarray of late Carolingian education, see Contreni, ‘Carolingian Renaissance’, 715–16.