1 Notable recent exceptions are the two excellent studies by Procacci, Ugo: ‘Di Jacopo di Antonio e delle compagnie di pittori …’, Rivista d'arte 2 (1960), 1–70 Google Scholar; and 'L'uso dei documenti’, Donatello e il suo tempo, Atli del'VIII convegno intemazionale di studi sul rinascimento (Florence, 1968), pp. 11-39. Camesasca, E., Artisti in bottega (Milan, 1966)Google Scholar, deals briefly with the workshops of renaissance artists. An older study, that of Wackemagel, M., Der Lebensraum des Kunstlers in der Florentinischen Renaissance (Leipzig, 1938)Google Scholar, is indispensable, as is Middeldorf's, U. review of this work in the Art Bulletin 2 (1939). 298–300 Google Scholar. Seymour, Charles, Sculpture in Italy, 1400-1500 (Baltimore, 1966)Google Scholar; Burkhardt, J., Cesamtausgabe (Stuttgart, 1934)Google Scholar, XIII, 173-366; Lerner-Lehmkuhl, H., Zur Struktur und Geschichte des Florentinischen Kunstmarktes (Wattenscheid, 1936)Google Scholar; and Blunt, A., “The Social Position of the Artist”, a chapter in his Artistic Theory in Italy, 1450- 1600 (Oxford, 1940)Google Scholar, have all attempted to focus briefly, and often with great insight, on this problem. A recent study by Baxandall, M., Painting and Experience in Fifteenth Century Italy (Oxford, 1972)Google Scholar discusses all aspects of the patron-artist relationship, the relative desirability of works produced by the individual artist or by partnerships-assistants, the terms of Quattrocento contracts, and the social, economic, and aesthetic values of the artist and his patrons. He considers the artist's actual working methods and practices only briefly. I am very grateful to Professors L. H. Heydenreich, William Ashbrook, and James Beck for their many helpful suggestions, comments, and advice.

2 Of special interest in this regard is the recent article and documents published by Cord, Gino, ‘Sul commercio dei quadri a Firenze verso la fine del secolo XIV’, Commentari, 2 (1971), 84–91 Google Scholar. See also Corti and Hartt, F., ‘New Documents concerning Donatello …’, Art Bulletin 2 (1962), 154 Google Scholar ff.; Iris Origo The Merchant ofPrato (London, 1957), pp. 41-42; and a letter of 27 March 1387, published by R. Lopez and Raymond, I.W., Medieval Trade in the Mediterranean World (New York, 1955) pp. 114–115 Google Scholar.

3 Ghiberti was a member of both guilds; see Krautheimer, R., Lorenzo Ghiberti (Princeton, 1956), pp. 409 Google Scholar and 418. For the relationships between artists and the guilds see: Carlo Fiorilli, ‘I dipintori a Firenze nell'Arte dei Medici, Speziali, e Merciai’, Archivio storico italiano (1920), n, 6-74; and A. Doren, Studien aus der Florentiner Wirtschaftsgeschichte: II, Das Florentiner Zunftwesen (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1908); and G. Gandi, he arti maggiore e minori in Firenze (Florence, 1929).

4 The organization of the workshop is discussed by Procacci (1968), p. 23; Camesasca (1966), pp. 103-104; and Seymour (1966), p. 11. For further references see bibliography in n. 1. An interesting documented example of the contract and working conditions of a discipulo (Cosimo Rosselli) is found in the notebook (“Riccordanze”) of Neri di Bicci, published by G. Poggi, Il Vasari, III (1930) p. 232.

5 For examples of the prevalence of three-year partnerships, see Procacci (i960), pp. 15-17 and 42, n. 47; and Wackernagel (1938), p. 317. One of the rare cases of partners not sharing the profits equally is that of Bicci di Lorenzo who received fifty-eight percent in his partnership with Stefano di Antonio.

6 For the guild statutes governing the partnerships of painters, see Ciasca, R., Statuti dell'Arte dei Medici e Speziali (Florence, 1922) pp. 127–128 Google Scholar, 136, and passim.

7 See Procacci (i960), p. 18, and (1968), p. 18, and Camesasca (1966), p. 216, for die meaning of die term entratura. An interesting example of die inheritance of an entratura is found in the unpublished Portata al Catasto of Rinaldo di Giovani Ghini, Archivio di Stato, Firenze (hereafter ASF), Catasto 26, c. 834, written by Michelozzo in 1427 for the young artisan living with him. Rinaldo declares, through Michelozzo, that he has inherited an entratura and use of a bottega in the Via di Vacchereccia which is rented to a goldsmith for fifteen florins a year.

8 Camesasca (1966), p. 215. It is interesting to note that in 1478 in Florence there were 54 shops belonging to sculptors or stonecutters, 84 for woodworkers, 44 for goldsmiths, 40 for painters, and 83 shops where silk was sold (Camesasca, p. 255, n. 4). For further information on the location of workshops, see Levi, E., Botteghe e canzoni della vecchia Firenze (Bologna, 1928)Google Scholar; and Chiapelli, A., Arte del Rinascimento (Rome, 1906)Google Scholar pp. 202-210.

9 Donatello's Portata and Campione are found in ASF, Catasto 17, c. 555, and Catasto 65, c. 319; they are published by Mather, Rufus G., ‘Donatello debitore oltre le tombe’, Rivista d'arte 2 (1937), 186 Google Scholar ff. Michelozzo's Portata and Campione are in ASF, Catasto 54, c. 210, and Catasto 79, c. 507; the Portata only was published by von Fabriczy, K., ‘Michelozzo di Bartolomeo’, Jahrbuch der Koniglich Preussischen Kunstsammlungen, 2 (1904)Google Scholar, Beiheft, 61 ff., and by Mather, R. G., ‘New Documents on Michelozzo’, Art Bulletin 2 (1942), 228 Google Scholar ff. The Campione is transcribed in my Ph.D. dissertation, Michelozzo, , His Life, Sculpture, and Workshops (Columbia University, 1970)Google Scholar Appendix. I have checked all documents published by Fabriczy and Mather and have found a good many errors, most, but not all of them, insignificant.

10 Vasari, Le vite … , ed. Milanesi (Florence, 1875), II, 232.

11 For renaissance bronze-casting practices, see Krautheimer, Ghiberti, passim; Bearzi, 'La tecnica fusoria di Donatello’, Donatello e il suo tempo, Atti del'VIII convegno internazionale di studi sul Rinascimento (Florence, 1968), pp. 97-106, and ‘Considerazioni di tecnica sul S. Lodovico …’, Bolletino d'arte, XXXVI, (1951), 119 ff.; Camesasca (1966), pp. 304 ff.; and for contemporary technical explanations, Gauricus, De sculptura (Florence, 1504), ed. R. Klein and A. Chastel (Geneva, 1969); Vasari-Milanesi, introduction to Chapter xi of the Vite; and Cellini, first four chapters of the Treatise on Sculpture (Dover edition) (New York, 1967), pp. 111-133. Cellini had six master calderai helping him for six months on the Perseus.

12 For a discussion of the calderai who executed Donatello's works, see Bearzi (1968), pp. 99 ff. Corti and Hartt (1962), p. 165, published documents for the casting of a large, unspecified bronze work for Donatello in October 1456.

13 Janson, H.W., The Sculpture of Donatello (Princeton, 1963), pp. 63–64 Google Scholar, states that it is unlikely that Michelozzo could have done the casting since ‘there is no direct evidence’, and (on p. 50) that ‘only a man like Ghiberti, with his large and stable workshop organization, could afford to maintain a foundry of his own’ and that Donatello had entrusted liis wax models to outside foundries. In his 1427 Portata, Michelozzo Uses, among the expenses of the shop, a debt of five florins to Benedetto, a foundry-man (fomaciaio) for lime and bricks ‘for the tomb of Pope John’. These materials were used for making the furnace which was constructed for a particular job and then destroyed; they can only refer to casting. Michelozzo also lists a debt to Nanni di Fruosino, a worker ‘who does casting in the bottega’. For further discussion of the Coscia tomb and its importance in the formation of the partnership, see below and Caplow (1970), pp. 92-135. Donatello's earlier bronze work, the bust of San Rossore, had been sent to an outside foundry-man, Giovanni di Jacopo degli Strozzi, for casting, as stated in Donatello's 1427 Portata.

14 Janson, Donatello, pp. 54-56, agrees with this interpretation, believing that the partnership results from Michelozzo's design for the Or San Michele niche, an attribution which I seriously doubt. Janson has convincingly demonstrated that the niche was designed and built between 1422 and 1425. None of Michelozzo's architectural works of the mid-1420's give any indication that he would have been capable of the developed renaissance forms of the tabernacle. Only one architect of that period was currently using the architectural vocabulary of die niche, and only he could have created or advised its design: BruneEeschi. The attribution problem of the Or San Michele niche is more completely discussed in my dissertation on pp. 387-391, as well as the architectural backgrounds of later partnership commissions (ibid., passim).

15 The letter to the Siena Operai, dated 9 May 1427, was signed by both artists but written by Michelozzo; published by Milanesi, G., Documenti per la storia dell'arte senese (Siena, 1854)Google Scholar, II, 134. For the Prato letter, see below, p. 158. The Prato contract was signed on 14 July 1428; published by G. Guasti, Il Pergamo di Donatello pel Duomo di Prato (Florence, 1887), pp. 12-15.

16 See Janson, Donatello, p. 62, and Caplow (1970), pp. 95-110, for a fuller discussion of north-Italian comparisons and relevant documentation.

17 See n. 9 above for Catasto references.

18 Michelozzo states in his 1427 Portata that the partners owe money to Guiglielmo Adimari. Cambiagi and Passerini, Ricordi difamiglia per le nozze Eugenio Michelozzi con la Manhesa Elenora Tassoni (Florence, 1854), p. 68, n. 16, identify the shop as the Casa Pasqui on which there is a plaque stating that Donatello and Michelozzo had worked there ‘like brothers’. According to Fantozzi, Pianta geometrica della città di Firenze (Florence, 1843), pp. 109-111, they occupied a bottega on the ground floor of this house.

19 So far as I have been able to discover, Tedaldo's Portate have been unknown and unpublished. His 1427 Portata is in ASF, Catasto 81 (San Giovanni Vaio), c. 36. The two shops together were valued at two hundred florins by the tax official. Neither the shops nor rent due to Tedaldi is mentioned in the 1427 Portate of Donatello or Michelozzo. In the 1430/31 Portata of Tedaldi (ASF, Catasto 390, c. 545) we read: ‘Due botteghe … a pigione Michelozzo e Donatello ischarpelatori per fi. XIIII’; his Campione for that year (ASF, Catasto 410, c. 125V) gives the same information. Donatello's Portata of 1430/31 (ASF, Catasto 338, c. 224, pencil numbering) mentions the partnership and the rent of a bottega from Tedaldi for fifteen florins a year. The 1430/31 Portata and Campione of Michelozzo gives no information because it was made out by his brother Giovanni, the sculptor being absent from.Florence.

20 Tedaldi's 1433 Portata is in ASF, Catasto 483, c. 448; the debt is noted in the Campione (ASF, Catasto 500, c. 485). Mather (1937), p. 182, is in error when he states that Tedaldi had rented the shop to someone else in 1433, when, in fact, he no longer owned it. Donatello's 1433 Portata and Campione are in ASF, Catasto 474, c. 564, and Catasto 498, c. 195.

21 The past tense of the verb tenere is, of course, tenemmo, but Michelozzo is so often careless in spelling that this slip should not bother us. His Portata is in ASF, Catasto 477, c 475, published by Fabriczy (1904), p. 65. The Campione (ASF, Catasto 498, c. 460V, published by Mather [1942], p. 229) gives the same information, but, because it was written by the tax official, the third person is used.

22 Declared in Michelozzo's 1427 Portata; see n. 9 above.

23 Martinelli, V., ‘Donatello e Michelozzo a Roma’, Commentari 2 (1957), pp. 3–24 Google Scholar.

24 Documents published by Guasti (1887), pp. 23-28, and M. Lisner, ‘Zur friihen Bildhauer Architektur Donatellos’, Miinchner Jahrbuch der Bilden Kunst, rx/x (1958/9), 118-123.

25 Documents for the house in the Piazza Frescobaldi were published by Papa, P., ‘Appunti d'archivio’, Rivista d'arte 2 (1903), 49–50 Google Scholar. Donatello's debt of several years' standing to the landlord, Stoldo di Lamberto Frescobaldi, was finally paid off by Filippo di Vanni Rucellai, ‘camerlingo de l'opera di Santa Reparata’. In his 1427 Portata, Donatello states that he personally owes Guiglielmo degli Adimari two years’ rent for his living quarters. In 1431 he still owed Adimari six florins, but by that time he was living in the Santa Maria Nuova house, for which he owed thirty florins in back rent.

26 Vasari-Milanesi, n, 434. For further discussion, bibliography, and works attributed to Michelozzo in Venice with Cosimo, see Caplow (1970), pp. 29-35.

27 Procacci (1968), p. 14, corrected an error first made 150 years ago when Manni in a note in Baldinucci, , Notizie de’ professori del disegno, 1400-1470 (Milan, 1811) p. 127 Google Scholar, mentioned that the notarial papers of Bartolomeo del Bambo showed that Donatello had rented the shop in 1443, an error repeated by almost all Donatello scholars since that time (see Janson, Donatello, pp. 149 and 150, n. 7). On checking, Procacci corrected the name and date of the notary and contract, but gave no indication where the document could be found. It is in ASF, Notarile Protocoli Anticosimiani, Bartolomeo di Bambo Ciai, #476, c. 31v-32r, and is in the form of a Minuta, which is not signed by the parties. I am very grateful to Dr. Gino Cord for transcribing this hitherto unpublished document and for his explanation of some of the more obscure meanings in it.

28 The reason for the strange period of this lease is that rents in Florence usually began on 1 November; therefore, when Donatello vacated the property, it would revert to its normal schedule.

29 ASF, Notarile Protocoli Anticosimiani, Bartolomeo di Bambo Ciai, #476, c. 40.

30 ASF, Catasto 826, c. 293, and Catasto 825, c. 455; published by Fabriczy (1904), p. 67.

31 ASF, Catasto 816, c. 35ir-354r, and Catasto 817, c. 365r-368v (Quartiere Santa Maria Novella, Gonfalone Leon Rosso); unpublished.

32 ASF, Diplomatico Cignolo di Prato, M; first published by Marchini, G., 77 Tesoro del Duomo di Prato (Jvlilan, 1963) p. 111 Google Scholar. Because the importance of this letter has escaped notice, an English translation is given here. Although written by Tvlichelozzo in his handwriting, it was signed by both artists.’Very prudent and discreet men of the Operai of the chapel of Santa Maria in Prato: As you know, it has been many years since we worked together on the pulpit where you display the Girdle of Our Lady, and a long time ago we did everything on that work which he who was then in charge desired; and although the account has been rendered and balanced between you and us, the affair is not right in all respects and problems exist for you and for us in respect to the many dangers and other diings that could occur. And although you could answer: You could have done something about this a long time ago, we could say the same thing to you, and besides, Donatello has been away from the city for about ten years. Now having returned and having discussed this matter together several times, we are disposed to take action and pray for your wisdom—for which we would be very grateful and for which you would receive great honor, so that by neglect neither injury nor shame should result to either party—we pray you to choose a specific time at your pleasure for the completion of this work. And to tell us when to come for this purpose and we can easily make the trip there [to Prato] without delay or fatigue, assuring you that if anything is lacking on our account in this affair, we are always prepared to accede to your every request in regard to it. And therefore, may it please you to arrange what we ask of you, as much for your honor, benefit, and happiness as for ours. Nothing else is happening now. God keep you in peace. Florence … April, 1455. Your Donato di Nicolo and Michelozzo di Bartolomeo, Sculptors'

33 ‘Debo avere delarte del chambio per resto della figura di sco Matteo quando ero compagno di Lorenzo di Bartolucio’ ASF, Catasto 54, c. 210.

34 Published by Doren, A., Das Aktenbuchfiir Ghibertis Matthaus Statue an Or San Michele zu Florenz (Italienische Forschungen, I) (Berlin, 1904)Google Scholar pp. 20-53. All documents are found in ASF, Arti, Cambio, 18, Libro del Pilastro.

35 Document published by Krautheimer, Ghiberti, Doc. 34, p. 370: ‘Michelozzo lavorò piu tempo alia detta seconda Porta a fi. 75 latino’. For the dating of the document, see Krautheimer, pp. 111 and 370, and for die dates of Michelozzo's tenure on the North Door, p. 109.

36 See documents and interpretations in Doren (1904), passim, and Krautheimer, passim, but especially pp. 86-93.

37 Krautheimer, Ghiberti, p. 407; and Doren (1904) p. 37.

38 As early as c. 1520, the author of the Libro d'Antonio Billi, ed. Frey (Berlin, 1892), p. 48, assigns the figure to Michelozzo, as did Gelli in his Vite d'artisti, ed. G. Mancini in Archivio storico italiano, ser. 4, XVII (1896), 50.

39 For bibliography and various attributions of these figures see Krautheimer, Ghiberti, pp. 87-88, n. 5; and W. and Paatz, F., Die Kirchen von Florenz (Frankfort, (1952)Google Scholar IV, 521-522, n. 87. The usual identification of the figures as an Annunciation group is erroneous; they probably represent sibyls.

40 In the Trecento it was a votive chapel, and the sacristy was on the left side of the church; see R. Baldaccini, ‘Santa Trinita nel periodo gotico’, Rivista d'arte, XXVII (1951/ 1952), 73. For the Quattrocento rebuilding and transferal of the sacristy, see G. Poggi, La cappella e la tomba d'Onofrio Strozzi in Santa Trinità (Florence, 1903).

41 Marchini, G., ‘Aggiunte a Michelozzo’, LaRinascita 2 (1944), 37 Google Scholar ff

42 It is interesting that Fra Angelico's Deposition, now in San Marco, portrays the face of Michelozzo. It was originally commissioned for the sacristy of Santa Trinita in the 1430s; see Berti, L., Angelico (Florence, 1967)Google Scholar p. 36, for a summary of suggested dates.

43 The original document is lost; the Strozzi excerpt from it was published by Krautheimer, Chiberti, p. 370, Doc. 36. Krautheimer, in discussing the contract (pp. 159-160) did not comment on the importance of the sentence about Michelozzo.

44 Krautheimer, Ghiberti, pp. 339-340, Docs. 154 and 155, especially the latter.

45 See Krautheimer, p. 368, Doc. 23, and p. 371, Doc. 37, for Michelozzo's employment in the spring of 1437. In the margin of his 1442 Portata (ASF, Catasto 625, c. 79), filed on 28 August 1442, the tax official wrote ‘Intagliatore die porti disangiovanni’ beside his name. In addition, Pietro Cennini, in a letter of 1475 praising the East Doors, mentioned that Michelozzo and others worked on them; this letter was published by Mancini, Girolamo , ‘Il bel San Giovanni e la festa …’, Rivista d'arte 2 (1909), 221 Google Scholar.

46 For the dating of these panels, see Krautheimer, Ghiberti, pp. 115, 165-166, and 204-205.

47 The most complete discussion of diese doors is found in Marquand, A., Luca della Robbia (Princeton, 1914), pp. 186 Google Scholar ff. Documents were published by Marquand, pp. 195 ff.; and by Mather, R. G., ‘Nuovi documenti Robbiani’, L'Arte 2 (1918), 196 Google Scholar ff. Donatello had originally been commissioned to execute the doors for both sacristies in 1437 but had never begun the work.

48 Two thousand pounds of bronze were obtained from the Ghiberti bottega on 3 March, and one of his workers was paid for extracting foreign materials from another large quantity of bronze. Purchases were made from Pistoia, Lucca, Pisa, and from 'Prolagho di Lapo di Prato’ (Pagno?), and from many other sources in Florence.

49 There seems to be an interesting connection between the purchase of wine and the process of casting: wine is charged to the account on 26 March and 12 December, in each case just before the casting was done ('quando gitorono … ‘ ) . The same connection can be seen in the documents for the casting of the Prato pulpit capital. The leftover bronze (556 pounds) that was not used on the sacristy door was transferred to another Michelozzo project for the Duomo, the graticola, on 28 February 1447, indicating that the first phase of the work had been completed. A note in the Libro of Maso (see below) mentions ‘the shop where we made the frames of the sacristy door … ‘ and is dated December 1451; it was published by Marquand, Luca, p. 198.

50 Giovanni da Ghaivole was paid for making three panels on 17 March 1464, and again on 16 May 1465 for making ‘3 Modegli delle storie’; see Madier (1918), p. 199. This is as close as we can come in the documents to a direct attribution, but there is no way of knowing to which panels reference is made.

51 The Tabernacle of the Crucifix is dated by excerpts from the records of the Calimala Guild, patrons of the church; these were published by Fabriczy (1904), p. 53. They show that the guild gave permission for the building of the Tabernacle and for the placement of the guild symbol, the eagle clutching a bag of cloth, and that of the benefactor, Piero di Cosimo de’ Medici.

52 Published by Yriarte, C., Livre de souvenirs de Maso di Bartolomeo (Paris, 1894) pp. 52–53 Google Scholar. Maso lists expenses for wax, iron, bronze, wood, etc., totaling about 140 florins, and states that these are the eagles for the San Miniato Tabernacle.

53 See bibliography and discussion of Impruneta in Caplow (1970), pp. 461-463; and in Marquand, Luca, pp. 136-139.

54 Traces of the sgrafitti still remain; Maso's entry in his Libro can be found in Yriarte's publication, p. 68. After the destruction of Piero's study during the Ricardi enlargement of the Palace, Luca's roundels eventually turned up in London at the Victoria and Albert' Museum. Luca was highly praised for the roundels by Filarete and Vasari; see Marquand, Luca, pp. 90 ff.

55 The influence of Michelozzo on Luca or vice versa as a result of their associations has been discussed frequently, but it could hardly have occurred at this late point in their careers. Maso and Luca were together in Urbino at the church of San Domenico in 1451 where Maso, as supervisor of the building, subcontracted to Luca the terra-cotta sculpted lunette of the portal for the price of forty florins.

56 The manuscript is in two sections: one part, covering only 1447-1449, is in Prato, Bibliotecca Ronciniana; the other, larger and more important, is in Florence, Bibliotecca Nazionale, Fondo Baldovinetti, 70. The latter was published, with many errors and omissions, by Yriarte in 1894 (see n. 52 above for full reference). In his review of Yriarte's publication, Fabriczy (Archivio storico italiano, xv [1895], 391-396) points out that Yriarte merely used Milanesi's notes and did not actually consult or transcribe the Prato manuscript. He also lists many of the omissions and errors made by Yriarte. I am currently retranscribing and annotating the complete manuscript. The best recent studies of Maso's career are by G. Marchini: ‘Di Maso di Bartolomeo e d'altri’, Commentari, III (1952), pp. 108-127; and in Donatetlo e il suo tempo, Atti del'VIII convegno internazionale di studi sul rinascimento (Florence, 1968), pp. 235-244; see also his II Tesoro del Duomo di Prato (Milan, 1963) passim.

57 This entry was not published by Yriarte; it is found on c. 114 of the Florentine manuscript.

58 The documents were published by Guasti (see n. 15), Lisner (n. 24), pp. 117-124, and Marchini (1963). Maso is first mentioned in Lisner's document 48.

59 Maso may have tried to repair the capital which seems to have been damaged in the casting, since it must have been intended to cover both sides of the pilaster; see Janson, Donatello, pp. 114-115.

60 For an interesting analysis of this gate, see Marchini (1952). Maso was removed from this project as the result of a legal dispute in 1443, and the gate was not finished until 1467. Pasquino da Montepulciano was the last of Maso's many successors. Also for the Prato cathedral, Maso executed a large bronze candelabrum, the sportello of the ciborium, a little box with dancing putti to hold the reliquary of the sacred girdle, and he worked on the interior pulpit, later finished by Antonio Rossellino and Mino da Fiesole. About 1440 he made a candelabrum for the cathedral at Pistoia, and in 1444 he is documented in Urbino.

61 The documents were published by Fabriczy (1904), pp. 50-51; and by Poggi, , Il Duomo di Firenze (Italienische Forschungen, II) (Berlin, 1909)Google Scholar Docs. 1189, 1191-1193. Maso is not specifically mentioned in the last two, but the phrase ‘et sotiis’ is always used.

62 Documents published by Fabriczy (1904), pp. 95-96; and by Poggi, pp. 220-222.

63 It is interesting that just at the time Michelozzo is most often mentioned in the documents, Luca della Robbia was working on two angels for the same chapel (1448- 1451).

64 Fabriczy (1904), p. 54; Maso's entry is under 23 October 1451, the day on which they began to take apart the furnace in which the bell was cast.

65 Yriarte tantalizingly mentioned (p. 23) that there are sixty paragraphs in Maso's Prato Libro dealing with expenses, etc., of this commission, but he did not transcribe or publish them.

66 U. Middeldorf, ‘Additions to Lorenzo Ghiberti's Work’, Burlington Magazine, CXIII (1971), 72. n. 7.

67 Yriarte, p. 35, again without publishing the relevant excerpts.

68 Yriarte, passim. For his architectural work in Urbino, see Rotondi, , 77 Palazzo Ducale di Urbino (Urbino, 1950), 1 Google Scholar, 141-150; for Ragusa, see Fabriczy, , ‘Fondatori fiorentini in Ragusa’, Archivio storico italiano 2 (1895), 316–319 Google Scholar.

69 For documentation and references for these projects, see Caplow (1970), passim. The names of many workers are frequently repeated in the documents concerning different commissions. An informative analysis of architectural workshops and partnerships is found in Sanpaolesi, P., ‘Costruzione del primo quattrocento nella Badia Fiorentina’, Rivista d'arte 2 (1942), 143–179 Google Scholar. Sanpaolesi points out (pp. 155-156) that there were two meanings of the term ‘capomaestro: in somma', a contract in which the architect is paid a total sum for the entire project and subsequently subcontracts various parts (for instance, the construction at Villa Careggi); and ‘economia’ in which the patron administers the project, furnishes materials, and pays the workers directly. Michelozzo worked under both systems.

70 Seymour, C., The Sculpture of Verrocchio (Greenwich, Conn., 1971)Google Scholar; and Passavant, G., Verrocchio, Sculpture, Paintings, and Drawings (London, 1969)Google Scholar.