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The 1330 Chapter General of the Knights Hospitallers at Montpellier

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Charles L. Tipton*
Affiliation:
Lehigh University

Extract

Of all the international military monastic orders of the Middle Ages only the Knights of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem have left reasonably complete records. The publication of documents from their archives has not, however, evenly represented the great historical epochs of the order's past; for the Holy Land period (ca. 1096–1291) we have almost everything, for the Rhodian era (1310–1522) we have almost nothing. This situation has not gone unnoticed, but it has remained uncorrected. Twenty-five years ago John La Monte reported that documents pertaining to the Hospitallers after 1310 were among the important lacunae of crusade historiography, and, more recently, James Brundage has called attention to the fact that nothing has been done to fill this gap. With the exception of a handful of documents published by Joseph Delaville Le Roulx one must still turn to Sebastiano Pauli's eighteenth-century miscellany for original records of the Hospitallers during the two centuries they held Rhodes. The proceedings of the Montpellier Chapter General published here represents a modest attempt to advance beyond the current state of affairs.

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Articles
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Copyright © Fordham University Press 

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References

1 For a more detailed discussion of problems involved in Hospitaller history during the Rhodian period see my ‘The English Hospitallers during the Great Schism,’ Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History 4 (1967) 9093.Google Scholar

2 ‘Some Problems in Crusading Historiography,’ Speculum 15 (1940) 62.Google Scholar

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4 In the appendices to Les Hospitallers à Rhodes jusqu' à la morte de Philibert de Nailhac, 1410–1421 (Paris 1913) and La France en Orient au XIV e siècle (Paris 1886), There are also a few scattered throughout his Mélanges sur l'ordre de S. Jean de Jérusalem (Paris 1910).Google Scholar

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8 Hellwald, F., Bibliographic méthodique de l'ordre souverain de St Jean de Jérusalem (Rome 1885) 36; Balbi, H. A., ‘On the Study of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem,’ Archivum Melitense 5 (1927) 185–93.Google Scholar

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10 Cartulaire géréral de l'Ordre des Hospitaliers de St. Jean de Jérusalem, 4 vols. (Paris 1894–1904). The statutes in this collection were translated by King, E. in The Rule Statutes and Customs of the Hospitallers, 1909–1310 (London 1934). In this latter work King still insists that the order of St. John was organized on the basis of langues after the conquest of Rhodes (thus after 1310) 141.Google Scholar

11 Les Hospitaliers en Terre Sainte et à Chypre, 1100–1310 (Paris 1904) 355. While Delaville Le Roulx is correct in placing the langues in the thirteenth century, his view that they developed from the grand commanderies must be regarded with suspicion. For example, there was an English langue but there is no evidence that there was ever a grand commandery of England. It also appears that the term grand commandery was still in use after the langues had developed; Cartulaire général, 651. Delaville Le Roulx's discussions of the Hospital's organization and constitution suffer from his arranging his narrative around the lives of the grand masters (Luttrell, A., ‘Intrigue, Schism, and Violence among the Hospitallers of Rhodes: 1377–1384,’ Speculum 41 [1966] 31 note 1), and from a tendency to view the langues as nationalistic units (Tipton, , ‘English Hospitallers,’ 92).Google Scholar

12 Storia delta Costituzione del Sovrano Militate Ordine di Malta (Rome 1927).Google Scholar

13 Ibid., 211 note b.Google Scholar

14 In the statutes of Margat, promulgated by master Alphonse of Portugal (1204–06), there is a use of the word langue. The Latin manuscript containing this expression, however, dates from the fourteenth century and it is likely that the term represents a scribal interpolation. In the thirteenth-century French version of the Margat statutes there is no use of the term langue, and it is not found again before the last decade of the same century in any manuscript collection of statutes; Cartulaire général, 2.34.Google Scholar

15 ‘… de consilio fratrum omnium linguarum …’; Ibid., 3.639; Barbaro di Giorgio, San, Costituzione, 211.Google Scholar

16 Cartulaire général, 4.25; di San Giorgio, Barbaro, Costituzione, 215.Google Scholar

17 Cartulaire général, 3.655; King, , Statutes and Customs, 207.Google Scholar

18 ‘… fratres ordinis hospitalis Sancti Johanis Jerosolomitani lingue Almaine, Anglie, Francie, Alverne, Provincie, Ispanie, et Italie …’; Royal Malta Library, Valletta: Archives of the Order of St. John of Jerusalem, Cod. 13, no. 5.Google Scholar

19 The list of authorities for this opinion is basically the same as that for those who believe the langues were created in 1330; cf. supra note 7.Google Scholar

20 King, , Knights in the Empire, 50.Google Scholar

21 The present manuscript shows (fol. 1r) Foucheroolles was prior of Champagne when the chapter general opened.Google Scholar

22 Malta, , Cod. 280, fol. 33r. Ramburellis is listed in our document under the priory of France (fol. 14r).Google Scholar

23 Malta, , Cod. 280, fol. 39r .Google Scholar

24 Malta, , Cod. 280, fol. 44r. This is the ‘Johanem de Lalantela’ referred to in 1330 under the priory of Champagne (fol. 15v).Google Scholar

25 See the list of priors in Porter, both editions of King, , Bedford, W. K. R. and Holbeche, R., The Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem (London 1902), and Fincham, H. W., The Order of the Hospital of St. John of Jerusalem and its Grand Priory of England (2nd ed. London 1933).Google Scholar

26 Malta, , Cod. 280, fol. 33v. Since Tybertis' dates have been the subject of considerable error it seems worthwhile to establish his chronology as precisely as possible. In 1326 John L'Archer, Prior of the Hospital in England, wrote to the grand master stating that the order there was in grave financial difficulty; Malta, , Cod. 16, no. 17. In response to this brother Leonard, then prior of Venice, was sent to the Island as a visitor general to investigate the situation; Malta, , Cod. 1136, fols. 165r–166v; Calendar of Documents in the Papal Registers relating to Great Britain and Ireland: Letters, 1305–1342 (London 1895) 484. In 1328 at their provincial chapter the English Hospitallers elected Tybertis prior (The Knights Hospitallers in England, ed. Larking, L. [London, 1857] 215) and Edward III wrote to the pope asking that their action be confirmed. John XXII replied that the grand master would be happy to confirm brother Leonard in his new post but that this would not be done until the next chapter general; Cal. Papal Letters, 1305–1342, 488. In the interval L'Archer, as the legal prior, continued to seal documents with the consent of Leonard de Tybertis (Italics mine); the last surviving charter bears the date 20 August 1330;. British Museum, Cotton MS, Nero, E VI, fols. 93v and 120v–121r. The election of Tybertis was confirmed by the Montpellier chapter general as our manuscript shows (fol. 2v) and he directed the affairs of the English priory until his death sometime in 1335: Malta, , cod. 20, no. 3; B.M., Cotton MS, Nero E VI, fols. 121rv, 122r, 137r, 200v. His successor was appointed at the chapter general of 1335; Malta, , Cod. 280, fol. 33v .Google Scholar

27 The chronology of the English, German, and Italian priors of St. John has long been in need of investigation. The editors of a number of cartularies have complained of the lack of precision in the chronology of Hospitaller officials.Google Scholar

28 Perkins, C., ‘The Knights Hospitallers in England after the fall of the Order of the Temple,’ English Historical Review 45 (1930) 285–89; Leys, A., ‘The Forfeiture of the Lands of the Templars in England,’ Oxford Essays in Medieval History Presented to Herbert Edward Salter (Oxford 1934) 155–163; Luttrell, A., ‘The Aragonese Crown and the Knights Hospitallers of Rhodes, 1291–1350,’ English Historical Review 76 (1961) 1–19.Google Scholar

29 The figures for Spain are not actually given in the present document since the priories of Catalonia and Castile and the Castellany of Amposta (Aragon) were in the hands of the grand master. It is possible, however, to arrive at a figure that would place Spain ahead of its nearest competitor, England. Our manuscript shows that Navarre and Portugal combined contributed 3,000 florins (fols. 6v–7v). To this can be added 3,000 florins for Catalonia and at least as much for the Castellany (Luttrell, , ‘Aragonese Crown,’ 10) which brings our figure to 9,000. It would then be necessary for the important priory of Castile to produce only the same sum as Portugal in order to outdistance the English langue. Assuming that Castile furnished a minimum of 2,000 florins, the final total for the Spanish langue would be 11,000.Google Scholar

30 Malta, , Cod. 16, no. 17. See also Larking's edition of Prior Thame's report of 1338 (Hospitallers in England) for examples of heavy ‘legal expenses.’ Google Scholar

31 I should like to express my thanks to Galea, Chevalier Joseph, archivist of the Hospitaller archives in the Royal Malta Library, for his assistance in the preparation of this manuscript. His advice was invaluable in the collation of my copy with the original record and I am indebted to him for numerous improvements in the text.Google Scholar

32 The scribe seems to have added the German priories here as an afterthought.Google Scholar

33 Most of the names of the priors were apparently omitted by the scribe in his haste; they have been supplied from the earlier list in the manuscript.Google Scholar

34 From this point the word auri is omitted.Google Scholar

35 A marginal note in the same hand as the original manuscript reads ‘de prioratu Alamanie.’ Google Scholar

36 No entries follow for Auvergne. Portugal, Rome (Urbis), Baroli, Venice, Hungary, Ireland, and Denmark-Norway below are also blank.Google Scholar