¹ Acta Sanctorum, editio novissima, curante Carnandet, Joanne, Junii tom. VII (Paris and Rome 1867) 155–57; in the original edition, Junii V 176–78. The brief menaea Life of the same version is also reproduced by Delehaye, H., Propylaeum ad Acta Sanctorum Novembris (Brussels 1902) 771.Google Scholar

² The June volume of the great menologium of Macarius is not yet published; but we have the detailed table of contents of this menologium (Moscow 1892) 243 (in Russian). On the Milyutin menaea and that of St. Demetrius of Rostov with reference to St. David, see Latyshev, V., ‘On the Lives of the Holy David of Thessalonica,’ Zapiski of the Odessa Society of History and Antiquities 30 (Odessa 1912) 218 n. 1 (in Russian).Google Scholar

³ Sergius, Archimandrite, The Complete Menologium of the Orient II 1 (Moscow 1876) 168 (under June 26); II 2, 176–77. Casual mention in vol. I (Mowcow 1875) appendix (prilogeniya) 184 (in Russian).Google Scholar

⁴ The Lives of the Saints Worshipped by the Orthodox Church, compiled by Filaret of Gumilev, Archbishop of Chernigov (St. Petersburg 1885) 183–84 (in Russian).Google Scholar

⁵ Antoninus, Archimandrite, A Journey to Rumelia (St. Petersburg 1879) 109 (in Russian).Google Scholar

⁶ Nicolaus Nilles, S.J., Kalendarium manuale utriusque ecclesiae orientalis et occidentalis I (Oeniponti 1896) 191: ‘Bollandianos tamen fusior ejus Vita latuit, quae, Nicodemo synaxarista teste, exstat in libro dicto Καλοκαιρινή.’ A mere mention of the name of St. David of Thessalonica is found under June 26 in Martinov, Joannes, Annus ecclesiasticus Greco-Slavicus (Brussels 1863) 162.Google Scholar

⁷ Dictionary of Christian Antiquities, ed. by Smith, William Sir and Cheetham, Samuel I (London 1908) 526. Baudot, Dom, Dictionnaire d'hagiographie mis à jour à l'aide des travaux les plus récents (Paris 1925) 192. See Dictionnaire hagiographique ou vies des saints et des bienheureux par M. l'abbé Petin I (Paris 1850) 721–22. Very brief note of seven lines without any value.Google Scholar

⁸ Dvornik, F., La vie de saint Grégoire le Décapolite et les Slaves Macedoniens au IX ^e siècle (Paris 1926) 64 (ch. 21) : See also pp. 23–24.Google Scholar

⁹ Here I use Mηναῖον τοῦ ἰουνίου περιέχον ἅπασαν τὴν ἀνήκουσαν αὐτῷ ἀκολουθίαν…ἐπιστασίᾳ Γεωργίου Σ. Γέγλε (Athens) 135–37. At the end of the service the text itself of David's menaea Life is printed.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Ehrhard, A., Überlieferung und Bestand der hagiographischen und homiletischen Literatur der griechischen Kirche von den Anfängen bis zum Ende des 16. Jahrhunderts, Erster Teil: Die Überlieferung III (Leipzig 1940) 313; 337; 338; 357.Google Scholar

¹¹ Leben des heiligen David von Thessalonike griechisch nach der einzigen bisher aufgefundenen Handschrift herausgegeben Rose, von Valentin (Berlin 1887) iii–x.Google Scholar

¹² Papageorgiu, P. N., ‘Zum Leben des heiligen David von Thessalonike,’ Byz. Ztschr. 2 (1893) 287–90.Google Scholar

¹³ Uspensky, Th., in The Annals (Letopis) of the Historico-philological Society at the University of Novorossiya 4, Byzantine Section 2 (Odessa 1894) 81–83 (in Russian).Google Scholar

¹⁴ Kurtz, Ed., in his review of the Annals (n. 13) in Byz. Ztschr. 4 (1895) 621–22.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Spyr. Lambros, P., Catalogue of the Greek Manuscripts on Mount Athos I (Cambridge 1895) 322. This manuscript is also pointed out in Krumbacher, , Geschichte der byzantinischen Litteratur (1897) 198 (Ehrhard). Apparently the manuscript is of the thirteenth century.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Papageorgiu, P. N., Nέον χειρόγραϕον τοῦ βίου τοῦ ὁσίου Δαυὶδ τοῦ ἐν θεσσαλονίκῃ , Bυζαντίς 2 (Athens 1911–12) 287–90. The question of Proconnesus (Προκόννησος) and πρόκενσος had already been cleared up many years before by Kurtz, , Byz. Ztschr. 4 (1895) 622 (n. 14 above).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Sergius, Arch., The Complete Menologium of the Orient II 2 (2 ed. Vladimir, 1901) 232–33. Cf. his first edition, II 2 (Moscow 1875) 176–77. Rudakov, A. P., Sketches of Byzantine Culture Based on Data from Greek Hagiography (Moscow 1917) 234; 270 n. 68.Google Scholar

¹⁸ Latyshev, V. V., ‘On the Lives of the Holy David of Solunj,’ Zapiski of the Odessa Society of History and Antiquities 30 (Odessa 1912) 217–35; the Greek text of Manuel's encomium, pp. 236–51. —After completion of the present study, Mrs. Nathalie Scheffer of Dumbarton Oaks, Washington, D. C, called my attention to an article which I should have included in the above survey: Bezobrazov, P., ‘The oldest Greek Lives of the Saints,’ Journal of Public Instruction (October 1917) 147–232 (in Russian). On the basis of Rose's edition Bezobrazov tells the story of David (pp. 217–220) and discards the fact of the transfer of the eparchy from Sirmium to Thessalonica (see ch. IV, below). He erroneously holds that the Life of David exists only in the one manuscript edited by Rose, although some other manuscripts had been indicated and discussed long before 1917 Consequently he repeats Rose's blunder concerning ‘Proconnesus’ (n. 16 above).Google Scholar

¹⁹ Rose v. 6, p. 5: πῶς δέ, ϕιλόχριστοι ἀδελϕοί, διηγήσομαι…; c. 1, p. 3: δέδια δέ πως εἰπεῖν, ἀγαπητοί… Google Scholar

²⁰ We have already pointed out above that Rose erroneously put into the text the name of the island Proconnesus instead of the word πρόκανσος ‘processus, processio’, which is found in all manuscripts, and which Rose failed to understand. The text should read, εἰς πρόκενσον γὰρ ἦν ἐξεληλνθώς. Google Scholar

²¹ See I Kings 19, 14: Elijah exclaimed: ‘I, even I only, am left, and they seek my life to take it away.’ Google Scholar

²² These two martyrs are commemorated on Apr. 5.Google Scholar

²³ καί γυρεύσαντες ἔξω τοῦ τείχους ἦλθον ἐν τῷ παραπορτίῳ ἔνθα ἦν τὸ μοναστήριον τοῦ ὁσίου (ch. 19, p. 13).Google Scholar

²⁴ Moschus, Joannes, Pratum spirituale c. 69 (PG 87, 3, 2921–24). This text is also printed in Rose's edition of the Life.Google Scholar

²⁵ μετὰ τοῦ ἀββᾶ Δαβὶδ ἢλθεν καὶ ἄλλος μοναχὸς ὀνόματι Ἀδολᾶς καὶ αὐτὸς Μεσοποταμηνός, καὶ ἐνέκλεισν αὑτὸν εἰς τὸ ἀπὸ μέρος τῆς πόλεως εἰς πυθμένα πλατάνου (FG 87, 3, 2924). This text is also reproduced in Rose's edition, p. 16.Google Scholar

²³ Latyshev, , On the Lives of David 224 and 231. In 1923 Delehaye correctly understood this text; Delehaye, H., Les saints stylites (Brussels-Paris 1923) clxxvi.Google Scholar

²⁷ See Leporsky, P., History of the Exarchate of Thessalonica down to its Annexation to the Patriarchate of Constantinople (St. Petersburg 1901) 188–93 (in Russian). In this book all the sources are given and discussed. A few words on the new bishopric at Justiniana Prima in Duchesne, L., ‘L'Illyricum ecclésiastique,’ Byz. Ztschr. 1 (1892) 548–49; Rose, pp. v–vi; Petit, L., ‘Les évêques de Thessalonique,’ Echos d'Orient 4 (1900–01) 144–45; Novellae Justiniani ed. von Lingenthal, Zachariae, p. 131; the whole Novel, pp. 130–33 (Const, xix. Auth. 11); ed. Schoell, R.-Kroll, G. (Berlin 1928) p. 94 (Nov. xi). Pope Agapitus' protest against the erection of the new bishopric in Collectio Avellana, No. 88 ed. Günther, O. (CSEL 35, Vienna 1895–98).Google Scholar

²⁸ See Leporsky, , op. cit . 193–94.Google Scholar

²⁹ Here are the dates of David's death as given by some writers: the Bollandists, , Acta Sanctorum Junii VII 156, par. 6: about 540. Rose p. vi: 527–35. Krumbacher (Ehrhard) 198 follows Rose. Arch. Sergius (2 ed. Vladimir 1901) II 1, 191: not later than 548; but II 2, 232–33, knowing that the Bollandists had ascribed David's death to about 540, he says himself: before 548, because Theodora died June 12, 548. Bibliotheca hagiographica graeca (2 ed. 1909) 69: about 530. Latyshev, , On the Lives of David (n. 18 supra) 223–24: about 549. Baudot, Dom, Dictionnaire d'hagiographie 192: about the middle of the sixth century.Google Scholar

³⁰ Moschus, Joannes, Pratum spirituale c. 112 (PG 87, 3, 2976): ἐν ταῖς άρχαῖς Tιβερίον τοῦ Bασιλέως καὸ πιστοτάτου Καίσαρος άπηλθομεν εἰς “Ωασιν. See Vailhé, S., ‘Jean Mosch,’ Echos d'Orient 5 (1901–2) 109 (at the beginning of the reign of Tiberius, 578); 115.Google Scholar

³¹ See Vailhé, S., ‘Sophrone le sophiste et Sophrone le patriarche,’ Revue de l'Orient chrétien 7 (1902) 360; 8 (1903) 368. After a detailed study of the question, Vailhé is inclined to be in favor of the identification of the sophist Sophronius with the patriarch. See also Krumbacher, , Gesch. d. byz. Litt. 188–89; Bardenhewer, O., Gesch. d. altkirchl. Lit. V (Freiburg im Breisgau 1932) 36–37.Google Scholar

³² Rose, vi–ix. Rose's comparison of David and Adolas, another hermit of Thessalonica; who, as we have seen above, is mentioned in the Pratum spirituale (c. 70), with two contemporary Armenians is rather obscure.Google Scholar

³³ Archbischop Filaret of Chernigov, , Lives of the Saints (n. 4 supra) 184; Baudot, Dom, Dictionnaire d'hagiographie 192; Rev. Holweck, F. G., A Biographical Dictionary of the Saints (St. Louis-London 1924) 265.Google Scholar

³⁴ Rose C 21, p. 15: According to his own calculation of David's death, 527–35, Rose places the time of the compilation of the Life in 707–15. Latyshev (p. 224) attributes the compilation of the Life to the twenties of the eighth century.Google Scholar

³⁶ Cf. Latyshev, , op. cit . 224.Google Scholar

³⁶ For the Greek text of several songs (odes) of the canon of Joseph Hymnographus and some considerations referring to it, see Latyshev, , op. cit . 227–28. See also Ἐκ τοῦ κανόνος εἰς τὸν ὅσιον πατέρα ἡμῶν Δαβὶδ τοῦ ἐν θεσσαλονίκῃ, ήμέρ ᾳ κς', by Hymnographus, Joseph (PG 105, 1133).Google Scholar

³⁷ Menologium Basilii imperatoris, under June 27 (PG 117, 512–13). This text is also reprinted in Rose's edition, p. 16, and in Tafel, Th. L. F., De Thessalonica ejusque agro dissertatio geographica (Berlin 1839) 148.Google Scholar

³⁸ Latyshev, B., Menologium anonymi byzantini saeculi X quae supersunt, fasciculus alter menses iunium, iulium, augustum continens (St. Petersburg 1912) 103–4; id., 'The Byzantine Imperial Menaea, , Zapiski (Mémoires) of the Academy of Sciences, ser. 8, vol. 12, 7 (Petrograd 1915), especially p. 101 n. 1 (in Russian), where Latyshev rejects his former attribution of the menologium to the tenth century and accepts as date the tenth or eleventh century. On its attribution to the period of Michael IV the Paphlagonian, see Halkin, F., ‘Le mois de janvier du “Ménologe impérial” byzantin,’ Analecta Bollandiana 57 (1939) 228–30; Ehrhard, A., Überlieferung und Bestand der hagiogr. und homil. Lit. (n. 10 supra) III 3, 403–5.Google Scholar

³⁹ Latyshev, , Menologium: μία τῶν πρὸς τὸν ἀνίσχοντα ἥλιον κώμη (p. 103); ϕυτοῦ τινος ὐπεραναβὰς (ἀμνγδαλῆν τοῦτό ϕασί τίνες), ἐν αύτῷ τήν σκηνὴν πήγνυται καὶ πρὸς ὔψος θείων θεωριῶν ἐπανάτγεται (p. 104); the miracle, p. 104. A Russian translation in Latyshev, , On the Lives of Saint David (1912) 230–31.Google Scholar

⁴⁰ Kekelidze, K., ‘John Xiphilin, the Continuator of Simeon Metaphrastes,’ Khristiansky Vostok (Christian Orient) I 3 (St. Petersburg 1912) 339, no. 92 (in Russian). Kekelidze gives only the name of David. See also Latyshev, , ‘The Byzantine Imperial Menaea’ 108.Google Scholar

⁴¹ Latyshev, , On the Lives of David 226; 231–33 (in Russian). Latyshev's view has also been briefly summarized by V(an) d(e) V(orst), Analecta Bollandiana 32 (1913) 320.Google Scholar

⁴² Latyshev, , op. cit . 236–51 (as addition to his study).Google Scholar

⁴³ Latyshev, , op. cit . 234. Latyshev divided the Eulogy into twenty-two chapters (pp. 234–35).Google Scholar

^44. τὶς γὰρ οὕτως ἔξω στηλῶν 'Hρακλείων, ὃς οὐ τῇ Θεσσαλονίκῃ καὶ τοῖς αὐτῆς πολίταις αύιοιδε τἀ πάντων βελτίω; (Latyshev, p. 237, ch. 2. Cf. Rose p. 3, ch. 2).Google Scholar

⁴⁵ (Latyshev p. 244, ch. 11. Cf. Rose, pp. 4–5, ch. 4–5).Google Scholar

⁴⁶ Latyshev, p. 247, ch. 16. Cf. Rose, p. 9, ch. 13.Google Scholar

⁴⁷ ὁ γὰρ βασιλεὺ; ἔτυχε προβάς τι μικρὸν ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος ἐϕ' ᾧ τῶν πολλῶν ϕροντίδων τὸ σύντονον ὁαστώνης ἀνεῖναι . (Latyshev, p. 248, ch. 18. Cf. Rose, p. 11, ch. 16).Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Eusebii, Historia ecclesiastica II 17, 5. In the fourteenth century, Nicephorus Callistus Xanthopulos paraphrases Eusebius' words as follows: ἔν τισι μοναγρίοις καὶ κήποις, ἢ καὶ ὄρεσί τισι τὰς διατριβὰς ποιεῖσθαι . Callisti, Nicephori Hist. ecclesiastica II 16 (PG 145, 793).Google Scholar

⁴⁹ ἐν ἐρημίαις καὶ ἄρεσι καὶ σπηλαίοις καὶταῖς τής γῆς ὀπαῖς Ed. Vogt, A., Analecta Bollandiana 28 (1909) 13, 5–6 (Greek text only); by Vanderstuyf, F., PO 11 (1915) 192 (48) par. 4 (text and French translation); by Delehaye, H., Les saints stylites (Brussels-Paris 1923) 196, 34–35 (Greek text only).Google Scholar

⁵⁰ δένδρου ἐπιτυχὼν κούϕην ἔχοντος δυναμένην ἔνδον τούτου χωρεῖν (Vogt, p. 21; Vanderstuyf, p. 210 (66); Delehaye, p. 203, 28, c. 8). In his study on the Life of St. Luke, F. Vanderstuyf could not understand the rather rare word κούϕην and ‘corrected’ it into κορυϕὴ ‘top of a tree’; he wrote that by night the Saint climbed up the tree, and while his brethren were asleep he recited his usual prayers in the tree; so that he was only a nocturnal dendrites; Vanderstuyf, F., ‘Etude sur Saint Luc le Stylite,’ Echos d'Orient 13 (1910) 141. But Papadopoulos-Kerameus showed clearly that such a correction was ‘childish’ (παιδική); because even if this word does not occur in our dictionaries, it is related to the modern Greek κοῦϕον, which means τὸ εαθὺ καὶ κοῖλον χώρημα (Μεγ. Ἐτυμ. 534, 20). 'And now we say κούϕιος τόπος, κούϕιο δἐνδρο, etc' Papadopoulos-Kerameus, Διορθωτικὰ εἰς βίοντοῦ ὁσίου Λουκᾶτοῦ ἐν τοῖς Eὐτροπίου στυλίτου, Vizantisky Vremennik 15 (1908) 438. Papadopoulos-Kerameus' correction was accepted by Vanderstuyf himself, PO 11, 210 (660) n. 3.Google Scholar

⁵¹ Nau, F., ‘Opuscules maronites,’ Revue de l'Orient chrétien 4 (1899) 337–40. See also Delehaye, , Les saints stylites clxxiv.Google Scholar

⁵² Ryssel, V., Georgs des Araberbischofs Gedichte und Briefe, aus dem Syrischen übersetzt und erläutert (Leipzig 1891) 5, lines 184–87; see Ryssel's, notes, p. 150, vv. 184ff.; on George's life, pp. xv-xix. A very substantial article on George by the same V. Ryssel is to be found in Realencyklopädie für protestantische Theologie und Kirche 6 (Leipzig 1899) 522–29. Brief sketches: Smith, W. and Wace, H., Dictionary of Christian Biography II (1880) 643–44; Chabot, J.-B., Littérature syriaque (Paris 1934) 88 (no bibliography). French translation: Delehaye, H., Les saints stylites clxxiv. George's description may be compared with Eusebius' text quoted above, Hist. eccl. II 17, 5.Google Scholar

⁵³ Wallis Budge, E. A., The Book of the Saints of the Ethiopian Church I (Cambridge 1928) 34. See also Zotenberg, H., Catalogue des manuscrits éthiopiens (Gheez et Amharique) de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris 1877) 154, no. 126: Synaxaire pour les six premiers mois de Vannée ; Grébaut, S., ‘Un fragment de ménologe éthiopien,’ Revue de l'Orient chrétien 2, 9 = 19 (1914) 205; Delehaye, , Les saints stylites clxxiv.Google Scholar

⁵⁴ Two very important papal letters referring directly to the troubles in Thessalonica in Collectio Avellana, nos. 226, 227, ed. Günther, O. (CSEL 35, Vienna 1895–98) 690–92; Thiel, A., Epistolae Romanorum Pontificum genuinae I (Brunsbergae 1868) ep. 97 (pp. 892–94) ep. 102 (pp. 901–3); Mansi 8, 474; 477; Baronii Annales ecclesiastici, anno 519, 125–27; 134. There are some other letters dealing with the affair of Thessalonica; cf. Duchesne, L., Byz. Ztschr. 1 (1892) 545–46; Petit, L., Echos d'Orient 4 (1900–1) 144–45. From Petit, Tafrali, O., Thessalonique des origines au xiv ^e siecle (Paris 1919) 267. On the troubles of Thessalonica, see Leporsky, P., History of the Exarchate of Thessalonica (n. 27 supra) 166–72; Tafrali, , op. cit. 265–67; Caspar, E., Geschichte des Papsttums II (Tübingen 1933) 164–69.Google Scholar

⁵⁵ See Laurent, J., ‘Sur la date des églises St. Démetrius et Ste. Sophie à Thessalonique,’ Byz. Ztschr. 4 (1895) 425; Petit, L., op. cit. 213–14; Tafrali, , op. cit. 270–72; Vasiliev, A., ‘An Edict of the Emperor Justinian II, September 688,’ Speculum 18 (1943) 5, 2; 6, 2; 13.Google Scholar

⁵⁶ On the complicated question of the interrelations of Justinian and the Pope with respect to Illyricum, see Leporsky, P., op. cit. 190–93; Caspar, , op. cit. II 206–9. In the years 535–36 Justinian abolished several vicariates in various districts of his empire; cf. Bury II, 339–41. But, of course, these vicariates concerned provincial administration and have nothing to do with the vicariate of Thessalonica under review.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Arch. Sergius, The Complete Menologium of the Orient II 1 (2 ed.) 354; cf. Nilles, N., Kalendarium manuale (n. 6 supra) 496, n.Google Scholar

⁵⁸ Tafrali, O., op. cit. 90 n. 1, reproduces the Greek text of c. 13 almost in its entirety and writes that David satisfactorily fulfilled his mission.Google Scholar

⁵⁹ In connection with the barbarian invasions in the sixth century, Panchenko, if I am not mistaken, first pointed out the interesting data in the Life of David of Thessalonica: ‘Concerning the Secret History of Procopius,’ Viz. Vremennik 3 (1896) 313 (in Russian). As we have noted above, John Moschus mentions the assailing barbarians without calling them by their name ‘Avars’. Cf. the recent article by Macartney, C. A., ‘On the Greek Sources for the History of the Turks in the Sixth Century,’ Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies of the University of London 11, 2 (1944) 266–75. In his list of the Greek references to the Avars beginning with a passage from Priscus, he fails to mention the Life of David (p. 266).Google Scholar

⁶⁰ See C. 19, p. 13: γνρεύοντες ἔζω τοῦ τείχους ἦλθον ἐν τῷ παραπορτίῳ ἔνθα ἦν τὸ μοναστήριον τοῦ ὁσίου, καὶ οὕτως εἰσήγαγον τὸ λείψανον τοῦ ὁσίου δια τοῦ μοναστηρίου .Google Scholar

⁶¹ See Tafrali, O., Topographie de Thessalonique (Paris 1913) 101 and 200 n. 17. There is some confusion here in the references. Reference 3 indicated by Tafrali in n. 17 should be eliminated, having no connection whatever with the monastery, and added to n. 2, which deals with the convent of St. Theodora. The name τῶν Kουκουλλεώτων derives, of course, from the Greek κουκούλλιον, Latin cucullus ‘cowl, hood’, in our case, a ‘monk's hood’. In other words, it was the monastery of SS. Theodorus and Mercurius the Monks. The adjective ἀπρόιτος ‘staying within, not allowed to go out’ may also be connected with the strict rules of this monastery.Google Scholar

⁶² Tafel, , De Thessalonica 214 and n. 42; also 218–19. In the printed text of Cameniata (c. 4, p. 492) stands Ἔκβολος, in which Tafel recognized Ἔμβολος .Google Scholar

⁶³ See Nilles, N., Kalendarium manuale (n. 6 supra) 133 (under Apr. 4): ‘duo martyres Thessalonicenses saeculi quarti, qui in Martyrol. Rom. hodie sic annuntiantur: Thessalonicae SS. Martyrum Agathopodis diaconi et Theoduli lectoris, qui sub Maximiano imperatore et Faustino praeside ob christianae fidei confessionem, alligato ad collum saxo in mare demersi sunt.’ Arch. Sergius, , Complete Menologium of the Orient II 1 (Moscow 1876) 87 (under Apr. 5): SS. MM. Agathopodus the deacon and Theodulus the reader at Thessalonica about the year 303; also II 2, 97; (2 ed. Vladimir, 1901 not available). See also Holweck, F. G., Biographical Dictionary of the Saints 31: Agathopus (Agathopodes), Deacon, and Theodulus, Lector, MM. at Thessalonica, etc.Google Scholar

⁶⁴ The preliminary study of Papadopoulos-Kerameus was published at Constantinople, 'Eλληνικὸς Φιλολογικὸς Σύλλογος, παράρτημα 17 τόμου (Constantinople 1886). The complete text was published in a collection of various Greek texts under the Latino-Russian title, Varia graeca sacra: Collection of Unpublished Greek Theological Texts of the 4–15 centuries, ed. with Preface and Index by Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A. (Zapiski of the Historico-Philological Faculty of the University of St. Petersburg, 95, St. Petersburg 1909) 102–13; see also pp. xii–xiii (title and preface in Russian). In 1886 V. Vasilievsky on the basis of the above mentioned Moscow manuscript published a detailed analysis of the Edifying Account of the abbot Ignatius: ‘One of the Greek Codices of the Moscow Synodal Library,’ Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction 248 (1886) 103–6 (in Russian). In this study I am usin'g the complete edition of the text in the Varia graeca sacra .Google Scholar

⁶⁵ On the historical figure of the monk Senouphios and his tomb, see Grumel, V., ‘La mosaïque du “Dieu Sauveur” au monastère du “Latome” à Salonique (découverte en août 1927),’ Echos d'Orient 29 (1930) 169; 173–75.Google Scholar

⁶⁶ See a brief exposition of the Account by Tafrali, O., Topographie de Thessalonique 196–97 (not always exact); Diehl, Ch., ‘Une mosaïque byzantine de Salonique,’ Comptes rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres (1927) 257–59; Morey, C. R., ‘A Note on the Date of the Mosaic of Hosios David, Salonica,’ Byzantion 7 (1932) 340–41; Vasilievsky, V., Journal of Public Instruction 248 (1886) 104 (very brief; in Russian).Google Scholar

⁶⁷ Tafrali, , Topographie 196–98. The best information on the monastery τοῦ Λατόμου is in Grumel, V., op. cit. 167–68. Grumel is inclined to reject the statement of the Edifying Account that the monastery was at one time consecrated to the Prophet Zachariah (170–71). The chrysobull of Michael Palaeologus has been published several times: Zachariae von Lingenthal, , Jus graeco-romanum III (Leipzig 1857) 602–3: τὴν έντὸς τῆς μεγαλοπόλεως θεσσαλονίκης σεβασμίαν μονὴν τοῦ Σωτῆρός μον Χριστοῦ τὴν τοῦ Λατόμου; Miklosich-Miller, , Acta et diplomata IV (Vienna 1871) 338; FG 161, 1046–47. Cf. ‘Actes de l'Athos, IV, Actes de Zographou,’ publ. by Fegel, W., Kurtz, E., and Korablev, B., Viz. Vrem. 13 (1907) Suppl. p. 102, lines 15–16: εἰς τὴν σεβασμίαν μονὴν τοῦ Λατόμου (document of 1369).Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Itinéraires russes en Orient, transl. by de Khitrowo, B. I 1 (Geneva 1889) 147; original Russian text in Sakharov, T., Tales (Skazaniya) of the Russian People II (St. Petersburg 1849) 97–107.Google Scholar

⁶⁹ Tafrali, , Topographie 194. The best information on the monastery τοῦ Ἀκαπνίον is in Grumel, , op. cit. 165–67. The decree of 1339 is in Miklosich-Miller, , Acta et diplomata I (Vienna 1860) 191: τῇ πατριαρχικῇ μονῇ τῇ εἰς ὄνομα τιμωμένῃ τοῦ Δεσπότον Σωτῆρος Χριστοῦ καὶ ἐπικαλουμένον τοῦ Ἀκαπνίου. Itinéraires russes 147. Pachymeres mentions a monastery of Thessalonica τοῦ Ἀκατονίον (I 27). Vasilievsky, V., ‘One of the Greek Codices of the Moscow Synodal Library,’ Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction 248 (1886) 103, dealing with our story, calls its author Ignatius, monk and abbot of the Thessalonican monastery Akatoniya and refers to Pachymeres. The name τοῦ Ἀκατονίον is evidently a distortion of rod τοῦ Ἀκαπνίον. Tafrali 194 writes that the monastery of Acatonius should be struck out of his list. See also ‘Actes de Chilandar, Actes grecs’ publ. par Petit, Louis, Viz. Vrem. 17 (1911) Suppl. p. 83, lines 10–11: τὰ δίκαια τῆς σεβασμίας βασιλικῆς μονῆς τοῦ Ἀκαπνίον (document of 1318).Google Scholar

⁷⁰ Acta S. Demetrii Martyris, PG 116, 1173. Tougard, A., De Γhistoire profane dans les actes grecs des Bollandistes (Paris 1874) 8 (IV 9).Google Scholar

⁷¹ See Seeck, O., Geschichte des Untergangs der antiken Welt I (4 ed. Stuttgart 1921) 29; 47; and Anhang zum I. Bande (2 ed. Berlin 1898) 478 (to pp. 67, 25); Stein, E., Geschichte des spätrömischen Reiches I (Vienna 1928) 99; PWK, Zweite Reihe 5 (1934) 1773–74 (very good information).Google Scholar

⁷² On Theodora of Thessalonica see Vasilievsky, , Journal of Public Instruction (1886) 84–96 (in Russian); Arsenius, Bishop, The Life and Deeds of St. Theodora of Thessalonica (Yuryev 1899) 1–36 (text in Greek), 37–79 (Russian transl.); Kurtz, Ed., ‘Des Klerikers Gregorios Bericht über Leben, Wunderthaten und Translation der hl. Theodora von Thessalonice nebst der Metaphrase des Joannes Staurakios, hrsg.,’ Mémoires de l'Académie des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, ser. 8 hist. philolog. 6, 1 (St. Petersburg 1902); Joannis Anagnostae De Thessalonicensi excidio narratio (Bonn 516) c. 16; Georgii Phrantzae Chronicon II 5 (Bonn 140); Papageorgiu, P. N., ‘Zur Vita der hl. Theodora von Thessalonike,’ Byz. Ztschr. 10 (1901) 149; Tafel, Th. L. F., De Thessalonica ejusque agro (Berlin 1839) 120.Google Scholar

⁷³ Papadopoulos, J., ‘Mosaïque byzantine de Salonique,’ Comptes rendus de l'Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-lettres (1927) 215–18. I am greatly indebted to Prof. A. Friend of Princeton for calling my attention to this mosaic.Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Diehl, Ch., ‘Une mosaïque byzantine de Salonique,’ ibid. (1927) 256–61.Google Scholar

⁷⁵ Echos d'Orient 29 (1930) 157–75. I have already pointed to this article several times (notes 65, 67 supra).Google Scholar

⁷⁶ Ξνγγόττουλος, Τὸ καθολικὸν τῆς μονῆς τοῦ Λατόμου ἐν θεσσαλονίκῃ καὶ τὸ ἐν αὐτῷ ψηϕίδωτον , Ἀρχαιολογικὸν Δελτίον 12 (1929); ἐν Ἀθήναις (1932) 142–80.Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Morey, C. R., ‘A Note on the Date of the Mosaic of Hosios David, Salonica,’ Byzantion 7 (1932) 345–46; the whole article 339–46.Google Scholar

⁷⁸ Diehl, Ch., ‘A propos de la mosaïque d'Hosios David à Salonique,’ Byzantion 7 (1932) 333–38; esp. 336–38.Google Scholar

⁷⁹ W(eigand)'s, E. critical note on Xyngopoulos, Morey, and Diehl's studies, Byz. Ztsckr. 33 (1933) 211–15; esp. 215.Google Scholar

⁸⁰ Morey, C. R., Early Christian Art (Princeton 1942) 189–91.Google Scholar

⁸¹ The Art Bulletin 25 (1943) 84–85.Google Scholar

⁸² Cameniata, Joannes, De excidio Thessalonicensi (Bonn, in vol. with Theophanes Continuatus, 543–44). Cf. Tafel, , op. cit. (n. 72 supra) 105; also 138; Struck, A., ‘Die Eroberung Thessalonikes durch die Sarazenen im J. 904,’ Byz. Ztschr. 14 (1905) 540; 556–57. In describing the sack of Thessalonica by the Arabs in 904, Tafrali fails to mention the church and region of St. David; Thessalonique des origines au xiv ^e siècle 152.Google Scholar

⁸³ Διονυσίου τοῦ ἐκ Φουρνᾶ Ἑρμενεία τῆς ζωγραϕικῆς τέχνης, ὑπὸ Ἀ. Παπαδοττούλου-Kεραμέως (St. Petersburg 1909) 165. See Dalton, O. M., Byzantine Art and Archaeology (Oxford 1911) 649 and n. 1. G. Millet now thinks that a part of the wall painting of the Protaton on Mt. Athos may be attributed to an earlier date, namely to the beginning of the fourteenth century: Monuments de l'Athos I: Les peintures, Album de 264 planches (Paris 1927) 62 (notes on the table of plates).Google Scholar

⁸⁴ Millet, G., op. cit. pl. 45, 1 and 104, 3. See also Georgievsky, V. T., The Frescoes of Panselinos in the Protaton on Mount Athos (St. Petersburg 1913) pl. 28: David is seated; no tree is seen (comment in Russian).Google Scholar

⁸⁵ Stefanescu, I. D., L'évolution de la peinture religieuse en Bucovine et en Moldavie depuis les origines jusqu'au XIX ^e siècle (Xouvelles recherches, Etude iconographique, Orient et Byzance, sous la direction de Gabriel Millet 6, Paris 1929) 15.Google Scholar

⁸⁶ Ἀναστασίου Κ. Ὀρλάνδου, Τὰ βυζαντινὰ μνημεῖα τῆς Καστοριάς (Ἀρχεῖον τῶν βευζαντινῶν μνημείων τῆς Ἑλλάδος , ed. Orlandos, A. K. 4, Athens 1938) 52. Orlandos says that this David is probably (πιθανῶς) that of Thessalonica. In my opinion there is no doubt. The picture of David is reproduced on p. 50, picture 33. For knowledge of this publication I am greatly indebted to Miss S. Der Xarsessian of Wellesley College.Google Scholar

⁸⁷ Here I acknowledge my great indebtedness to Mrs. Natalie P. Scheffer of Dumbarton Oaks, who was kind enough to help me in indicating and getting Russian publications on the subject.Google Scholar

⁸⁸ Strogonov Painters' Manual of the end of the sixteenth and the beginning of the seventeenth century (Moscow 1868) under June 26.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ ‘Version of the Painters’ Manual of St. Sophia of Novgorod of the Sixteenth Century,' Sbornik of the Society of Ancient Russian Art (Moscow 1873) under June 26.Google Scholar

⁹⁰ The Painters' Manual, published by Bolshakov, S. T., under supervision of Uspensky, A. I. (Moscow 1901) 114–15; picture on p. 172. I do not understand the mention of the great Eufemius or Vlasius his brother. The very well known Euthymius lived in the fifth century.Google Scholar

⁹¹ See Materials on the Archaeology of the Caucasus 10 (Moscow 1904) 107 (in Russian).Google Scholar

⁹² Oreshnikov, A V., ‘Materials for Russian Sphragistics,’ Trudy of the Numismatic Society of Moscow 3 I (1903) 145 (fig. 16 and text in Russian). Cf. Žiznevsky, A. K., ‘Description of the Museum of Tver,’ Trudy of the Archeol. Soc. of Moscow 11 I (1886) p. 78, No. 938 (in Russian). I am greatly indebted to Mrs. Nathalie Scheffer, of Dumbarton Oaks, who called my attention to these studies.Google Scholar