¹ Nelson, Janet L., “The Voice of Charlemagne,” in Belief and Culture in the Middle Ages: Studies Presented to Henry Mayr-Harting, ed. Gameson, Richard and Leyser, Henrietta (Oxford, 2001), 76–88Google Scholar. See also eadem, King and Emperor: A New Life of Charlemagne (Oakland, CA, 2019), 472–74.

² Capitula tractanda (Capitulary 71) 6–7: “Quid sit, quod unusquisque christianus in baptismo loquitur, vel quibus abrenunciet. Quae sectando vel neglegendo ipsam suam renunciationem vel abrenunciationem irritam faciat,” ed. Boretius, 161.

³ Cabié, Robert et al. , The Church at Prayer, Volume III: The Sacraments, trans. O'Connell, Matthew J. (Collegeville, MN, 1988), 36–37Google Scholar; Fisher, J. D. C., Christian Initiation Baptism in the Medieval West: A Study in the Disintegration of the Primitive Rite of Initiation (London, 1965)Google Scholar, 12 (Rome), 31 (northern Italy), and 50 (Gaul and Germany); Kirsten, Hans, Die Taufabsage: Eine Untersuchung zu Gestalt und Geschichte der Taufe nach den altkirchlichen Taufliturgien (Berlin, 1960)Google Scholar; and Kelly, Henry, The Devil at Baptism: Ritual, Theology, and Drama (Ithaca, 1985), 94–105Google Scholar. For the views of eastern Fathers on baptismal renunciation, see Ferguson, Everett, Baptism in the Early Church: History, Theology, and Liturgy in the First Five Centuries (Grand Rapids, 2009), 423–24Google Scholar (Origen), 461–62 (Serapion of Thmuis), 523–24 (Theodore of Mopsuestia), 538 (John Chrysostom), 721 (Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite), and 748 (Proclus of Constantinople). Also consult “Renunciation of Satan” and “apotaxis” in the index of Maxwell E. Johnson, The Rites of Christian Initiation: Their Evolution and Interpretation (Collegeville, 2007).

⁴ Tertullian, De corona 3: “contestamur nos renuntiare diabolo et pompae et angelis eius,” ed. Emil Kroymann, CCL 2 (Turnhout, 1954), 1042. For the changing meaning of the word pompa in a liturgical context, see Waszink, Jan, “Pompa Diaboli,” Vigiliae Christianae 1 (1947): 13–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Boismard, M. E., “I Renounce Satan, His Pomps, and His Works,” in Baptism in the New Testament: A Symposium, ed. George, Augustin et al. , trans. Askew, David (Baltimore, 1967), 107–14Google Scholar; and Finn, Thomas M., The Liturgy of Baptism in the Baptismal Instructions of St. John Chrysostom (Washington, D.C., 1967), 101Google Scholar.

⁵ Ambrose, De mysteriis 2.5: “Repete, quid interrogatus sis, recognoscere, quid responderis! renuntiasti diabolo et operibus eius, mundo et luxuriae eius ac voluptatibus,” ed. Otto Faller, CSEL 73 (Vienna, 1955), 90.

⁶ Salvian, De gubernatione Dei 6.6.31: “Quae est enim in baptismo salutari Christianorum prima confessio? Quae scilicet nisi ut renuntiare se diabolo ac pompis eius et spectaculis atque operibus protestentur?” ed. Franciscus Pauly, CSEL 8 (Vienna, 1883), 133.

⁷ Pseudo-Maximus, Tractatus II de baptismo: “abrenuntiare omnibus pompis et operibus eius, et omni fornicationi diabolicae spopondistis,” PL 57, col. 775B. For its authorship, see Clavis Patrum Latinorum, ed. E. Dekkers, 3^rd ed. (Turnhout, 1995), 84 (no. 222); and Clemens Weidmann, “Maximus of Turin: Two Preachers of the Fifth Century,” in Preaching in the Patristic Era: Sermons, Preachers, and Audiences in the Latin West, ed. Anthony Dupont et al. (Leiden, 2018), 371.

⁸ Epistola Iohannis Diaconi ad Senarium 3–4: “primitus fidei rudimenta ueraci professione renuntians . . . Dehinc quodam profectu atque prouectu ille qui dudum exsufflatus diabolicis laqueis pompisque renuntiauerat symboli ab apostolis traditi iam meretur uerba suscipere,” ed. André Wilmart, “Un florilège carolingien sur la symbolisme des ceremonies du baptême, avec un Appendice sur la lettre de Jean Diacre,” in idem, Analecta Reginensia: Extraits des manuscrits latins de la reine Christine conserves au Vatican, Studi e Testi 59 (Vatican City, 1933), 153–79, at 171–73.

⁹ Martin of Braga, De correctione rusticorum: “Ecce ergo considerate quale pactum cum deo fecistis in baptismo. Promisistis vos abrenuntiare diabolo et angelis eius et omnibus operibus eius malis, et confessi estis credere vos in patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum . . .” ed. Claude W. Barlow, Martini Episcopi Bracarensis Opera Omnia (New Haven, 1950), 197.

¹⁰ Caesarius, Sermones de diversis et de Vetere Testamento 12.4: “Quando enim interrogatus est abrenuntias diabolo, pompis et operibus eius? tunc ei sacerdos subscribendum pactum obtulit; quando autem respondit abrenuntio, tunc subscripsit,” ed. Germain Morin, CCL 103 (Turnhout, 1953), 60.

¹¹ Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis II.25.5: “Duae sunt namque pactiones credentium. Prima enim pactio est in qua renuntiatur diabulo et pompis et universae conuersationis illius; secunda pactio est in qua se credere in patrem et filium et spiritum sanctum profitetur,” ed. Christopher W. Lawson, CCL 113 (Turnhout, 1989), 104–5.

¹² Sacramentarium Gelasianum I.xlii: “Abrenuntias Satanae? Resp. Abrenuntio. Et omnibus operibus eius? Resp. Abrenuntio. Et omnibus pompis eius? Resp. Abrenuntio,” ed. Henry Wilson, The Gelasian Sacramentary: Liber sacramentorum Romanae ecclesiae (Oxford, 1894), 79.

¹³ Bobbio Missal 244: “INTERROGAS NOMEN EIUS DICENS QUIS DICITUR ILLE Abrenuncias satane pompis eius luxuriis suis saeculo huic RESPONDET ABRENUNCIIT. Hoc ter dices,” ed. Elias A. Lowe, The Bobbio Missal: A Gallican Mass-Book (MS. Paris. Lat. 13246) (London, 1920), 74.

¹⁴ Le sacramentaire grégorien: Ses principales formes d'après les plus anciens manuscrits 1, Le sacramentaire, le supplément d'Aniane, ed. Jean Deshusses (Fribourg, 1992), 183.

¹⁵ Water and the Word, no. 9: “primo paganus caticumenus fit accedens ad baptismum, ut renuntiet maligno spiritui et omnibus eius damnosis pompis,” 240. For the authorship of the Primo paganus, see Owen Phelan, “Textual Transmission and Authorship in Carolingian Europe: ‘Primo Paganus,’ Baptism, and Alcuin of York,” Revue bénédictine 118 (2008): 262–88.

¹⁶ Susan Keefe, Water and the Word: Baptism and the Education of the Clergy in the Carolingian Empire, 2 vols. (Notre Dame, IN, 2002); Peter Cramer, Baptism and Change in the Early Middle Ages, c. 200–c. 1150 (Cambridge, 1993); Glenn Byer, Charlemagne and Baptism: A Study of Responses to the Circular Letter of 811/812 (San Francisco, 1999); Owen Phelan, The Formation of Christian Europe: The Carolingians, Baptism, and the Imperium Christianum (Oxford, 2014); and Michel Rubellin, “Entrée dans la vie, entrée dans la chrétienté, entrée dans la société: Autour du baptême à l’époque carolingienne,” in Les entrées dans la vie: Initiations et apprentissages. XIIe Congrès de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l'Enseignement supérieur public (Nancy, 1982), 31–51.

¹⁷ For a critical survey of the applicability of the term “reform” to the Carolingian era, see Julia S. Barrow, “Ideas and Applications of Reform,” in The Cambridge History of Christianity, Volume III: Early Medieval Christianities, c. 600–c. 1100, ed. Thomas F. X. Noble and Julia M. H. Smith (Cambridge, 2008), 345–62, esp. 350 and 356–58. See also Julia S. Barrow, “Developing Definitions of Reform in the Church in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries,” in Italy and Early Medieval Europe: Papers for Chris Wickham, ed. Ross Balzaretti, Julia S. Barrow, and Patricia Skinner (Oxford, 2018), 501–11. Barrow's preference for the term correctio echoes Percy Ernst Schramm, “Karl Der Große: Denkart und Grundauffassungen. Die von Ihm Bewirkte Correctio (‘Renaissance’),” Historische Zeitschrift 198 (1964): 306–45; and Julia M. H. Smith, “‘Emending Evil Ways and Praising God's Omnipotence’: Einhard and the Uses of Roman Martyrs,” in Conversion in Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages: Seeing and Believing, ed. Kenneth Mills and Anthony Grafton (Rochester, 2003), 189–223, at 189–92 and 214–15. With the awareness that Carolingian people themselves rarely used the term reformatio to refer to their reform project, the English word is still used in this article for the sake of convenience, in the sense explained here. Among the huge number of accounts and evaluations on the Carolingian reform and its political, social, and cultural consequences, see Rosamond McKitterick, The Frankish Church and the Carolingian Reforms, 789–895 (London, 1977); John Contreni, “The Carolingian Renaissance,” in Renaissances before the Renaissance: Cultural Revivals of Late Antiquity and the Middle Ages, ed. Warren Treadgold (Stanford, 1984), 59–74; John Contreni, “Learning for God: Education in the Carolingian Age,” Journal of Medieval Latin 24 (2014): 89–130; Giles Brown, “Introduction: The Carolingian Renaissance,” in Carolingian Culture: Emulation and Innovation, ed. Rosamond McKitterick (Cambridge, 1994), 1–51; Philippe Depreux, “Ambitions et limites des réformes culturelles à l’époque carolingienne,” Revue historique 623 (2002): 721–53; Mayke de Jong, “Charlemagne's Church,” in Charlemagne: Empire and Society, ed. Joanna Story (Manchester, 2005), 103–35; and Carine van Rhijn, “Charlemagne's Correctio: A Local Perspective,” in Charlemagne: Les temps, les espaces, les hommes. Construction et déconstruction d'un règne, ed. Rolf Grosse and Michel Sot (Turnhout, 2018), 43–60.

¹⁸ Water and the Word, no. 14: “nosse itaque per tua scripta aut per te ipsum volumus qualiter tu et suffraganei tui doceatis et instruatis sacerdotes dei et plebem vobis commissam de baptismi sacramento,” 262. For a comprehensive survey of the encyclical letter, see Phelan, Formation of Christian Europe, 164–71. The translation here and hereafter is suggested by Phelan. Scholars usually date the encyclical letter to 811/2, based on the lives of Amalar of Metz and Maxentius of Aquileia, the two archbishops whose replies to Charlemagne survive. See Jean-Paul Bouhot, “Explications du rituel baptismal à l’époque carolingienne,” Revue des études augustiniennes 24 (1978): 278–301, at 285; and Phelan, Formation of Christian Europe, 164, n. 60. As will be argued below, however, it is not likely that the encyclical letter was sent out later than the promulgation of Capitulary 71 in early 811.

¹⁹ Water and the Word, no. 14: “si ita teneas et praedices, aut si in hoc quod praedicas, te ipsum custodias,” 263.

²⁰ Water and the Word, no. 14: “de abrenuntiatione satane et omnibus operibus eius atque pompis, quid sit abrenuntiatio vel quae opera eius diaboli et pompae,” 262–63.

²¹ Phelan, Formation of Christian Europe, 165.

²² Water and the Word, no. 16: “quaestiones interea istae ut ego te nosse certus sum, a regali celsitudine non sunt factae necessitate discendi sed studio docendi. nec ut ipse his absolutis de nescitis valeat imbui, sed ut alii de somno desidiosi torporis ad rerum absolvendarum utilitatem valeant excitari,” 281.

²³ The baptismal expositions mentioned here and hereafter are studied and edited in Keefe, Water and the Word. See also Susan Keefe, “Carolingian Baptismal Expositions: A Handlist of Tracts and Manuscripts,” in Carolingian Essays: Andrew W. Mellon Lectures in Early Christian Studies, ed. Uta-Renate Blumenthal (Washington, D.C., 1983), 169–237; Bouhot, “Explications du rituel baptismal,” 278–301; Byer, Charlemagne and Baptism (n. 16 above); and Phelan, Formation of Christian Europe (n. 16 above), 171–98.

²⁴ See Phelan, Formation of Christian Europe (n. 16 above), 171–89.

²⁵ For the attribution of Water and the Word, no. 41, to Hildebald, see Norbert Kruse, Die kölner volksprachige Überlieferung des 9. Jahrhunderts (Bonn, 1976), 89–132. Water and the Word, no. 53 (with the incipit “Haec est epistola quam ad aures domni imperatoris direximus”) survives in Paris, BnF, Latin 2796 (ca. 813–815, western Francia). See Hubert Mordek, Bibliotheca Capitularium Regum Francorum Manuscripta: Überlieferung und Traditionszusammenhang der fränkischen Herrschererlasse (Munich, 1995), 430.

²⁶ See Susan Keefe, “An Unknown Response from the Archiepiscopal Province of Sens to Charlemagne's Circulatory Inquiry on Baptism,” Revue bénédictine 96 (1986): 48–93.

²⁷ Water and the Word, no. 1, 163–64. See n. 8 above for John the Deacon and n. 11 above for Isidore. For the nature of Odilbert's baptismal exposition, see Susan Keefe, “The Claim of Authorship in Carolingian Baptismal Expositions: The Case of Odilbert of Milan,” in Fälschungen im Mittelalter, Volume V: Fingierte Briefe–Frömmigkeit und Fälschung-Realienfälschung (Hanover, 1988), 385–401.

²⁸ Water and the Word, no. 41: “. . . pompas autem nos dicimus: siniugelp ardosinen vvillon,” 543. See n. 15 above for the Primo paganus.

²⁹ Water and the Word, no. 15: “quia ante baptismum unusquisque propter originalia peccata servus est peccati, et ideo abrenuntiat diabolo, qui est princeps peccati, et omnibus operibus eius et omnibus pompis eius, id est vitiis, ut dominationem illius aspernetur,” 268.

³⁰ Water and the Word, no. 33: “gentilitatis errore et simulagrorum cultura derelicta,” 464.

³¹ Water and the Word, no. 16: “septem itaque principalia vitia, quibus diabolus genus humanum infestat, non incongrue opera satanae dicere possumus . . . pompae igitur eius sunt ambitio, arrogantia, vana gloria, et cetera huiusmodi quae de fonte superbiae procedere dinoscuntur,” 298–99.

³² Water and the Word, no. 23: “‘et ominibus operibus eius,’ quae sunt ‘fornicatio, idolorum servitus, veneficia, homicidia, ebrietates, commessationes, et his similia,’ quae quamvis ad carnis voluptates pertineant, tamen opera sunt satanae, quorum suasor et instigator est occultus. haec sunt quae regnant in diabolo sine carne: ‘superbia, invidia, inimicitiae, contentions, emulationes, irae, rixae, dissentiones, secte,’ et reliqua,” 346.

³³ Water and the Word, no. 23: “novissime ‘et omnibus pompis eius,’ quae sunt inanis iactantia, honores terreni, canora musica, in quibus sepe solvitur et mollitur christianus vigor, spectacula turpia vel supervacua, et reliqua,” 346, with slight modification to the punctuation of Keefe's edition.

³⁴ Water and the Word, no. 25: “opera enim diaboli sunt ritus profanus qui idolis exhibebatur; deinde homicidium, furtum, rapina, fraus, periurium, adulterium, inimicitiae, discordiae, irae, rixae, dissensiones, et cetera huiusmodi. ad pompam vero diaboli pertinent spectacula, insana gaudia, inverecundus lepor, variaeque pestes lividorum sensuum,” 362.

³⁵ Water and the Word, no. 17: “omnibus operibus eius quae sunt inmunditia, idolorum servitus, et his similia quae narrat apostolus; sive et pompis eius quod est superbia per quam ille cecidit et cotidie homines cadere facit,” 324.

³⁶ Water and the Word, no. 53: “Opera diaboli manifesta sunt quae apostolus opera carnis nominavit. Pompe eius sunt huius saeculi vanae et mortifere delectationes cupiditatesque noxiae simul et idolorum servitus,” 601.

³⁷ Water and the Word, no. 25: “sic enim antiquos patres novimus praedicasse fidelibus de pompis diaboli fugiendis: ‘diabolus spectaculorum insaniam, studiorum ac turpium voluptatum muscipulam quare proponit, nisi ut his delectationibus capiat, quos amiserat . . . pompae diaboli sunt quaeque inlicita desideria quae turpant,” 362–63. See also Quodvultdeus, De symbolo I.1 and II.1, ed. René Braun, CCL 60 (Turnhout: 1976), 307 and 335. For the context of Quodvultdeus's sermons, see Daniel G. Van Slyke, “The Devil and His Pomps in Fifth-Century Carthage: Renouncing Spectacula with Spectacular Imagery,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 59 (2005): 53–72. Relating the pomp(s) of the devil to improper mores and thoughts has earlier patristic antecedents than Quodvultdeus. See, for example, Tertullian, De corona 13, ed. Kroymann (n. 4 above), 1062; Cyril of Jerusalem, Catéchèses mystagogiques I.6, ed. and trans. Auguste Piédagnel, SC 126 (Paris, 1966), 92; and John Chrysostom, Baptismal Instructions XI.25 and XII.52, ed. and trans. Paul W. Harkins, Ancient Christian Writers 31 (Westminster, 1962), 168, 189.

³⁸ See Rosamond McKitterick, “Unity and Diversity in the Carolingian Church,” Studies in Church History 32 (1996): 59–82; and John Contreni, “Inharmonious Harmony: Education in the Carolingian World,” Annals of Scholarship 1 (1980): 81–96.

³⁹ For the Admonitio generalis in general, see Elisabeth Magnou-Nortier, “L'Admonitio generalis: Étude critique,” in Jornades internacionals d'Estudi sobre el Bisbe Feliu d'Urgell, ed. J. Perarnau (Barcelona, 2000), 195–242; and Die Admonitio Generalis Karls Des Grossen, ed. Hubert Mordek, Klaus Zechiel-Eckes, and Michael Glatthaar, MGH, Fontes iuris Germ. ant. 16 (Hanover, 2012), 1–160.

⁴⁰ Admonitio Generalis 80: “Item cum omni diligentia cunctis praedicandum est, pro quibus criminibus deputentur cum diabolo in aeternum supplicium. Legimus enim apostolo dicente: Manifesta autem sunt opera carnis . . . Ideo haec eadem, quae magnus praedicator ecclesiae dei singillatim nominavit, cum omni studio prohibete, intellegentes quam sit terribile illud, quod dixit: Qui talia agunt, regnum dei non consequentur,” ed. Perarnau, 236. For the independent transmission of Chapter 80 (Chapter 82 in older edition of Alfred Boretius in MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum), see Thomas Martin Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio: Zur religiös-pastoralen Dimension von Kapitularien und kapitulariennahen Texten (507–814) (Frankfurt am Main, 1997), 159–66.

⁴¹ Water and the Word, no. 8.1: “Opera, si fuerint, vix latent ut non pareant. Pompe autem et sunt et latenter caelari possunt, ut per ea que parent intellegatur. Indubitanter est enim quia ex pompa maligni oritur origo omnium malorum, quod in capitalia crimina principatum tenens superbia . . .” 235.

⁴² Jean-Paul Bouhot, “Un florilège sur le symbolisme du baptême de la seconde moitié du VIIe siècle,” Recherches Augustiniennes 18 (1983): 151–82, at 164. Keefe's edition is found in Water and the Word, no. 2, 171–83, at 173–74. See also Augustine, De agone christiano 6.6, ed. Cyril Lambot, CCL 41 (Turnhout, 1961), 108.

⁴³ Water and the Word, no. 51: “idolis, sordibus, aguriis, furtis, fraudibus, fornicationibus, ebrietatibus, et mendaciis,” 592. See also Tractatus de rectitudine catholicae conversationis, PL 40, col. 1170. It has been suggested that Eligius of Noyon is the author of the sermon: Clavis Patrum Latinorum (n. 7 above), 689 (no. 2096).

⁴⁴ Water and the Word, no. 34: “Deinde abrenunciat et operibus eius malignis, id est, culturis et idolis, sortibus et auguriis, pompis et theatris, furtis et fraudibus, homicidiis et fornicationibus, superbiae et iactantiae, irae et avaritiae, comessationibus et ebriositatibus, choris atque mendaciis, et his similibus malis,” 470. It can be found in the two other extant versions of this florilegium: Water and the Word, nos. 35 and 36, 483 and 519. On the latter, see also Jean-Paul Bouhot, “Alcuin et le ‘De catechizandis rudibus’ de saint Augustin,” Recherches augustiniennes et patristiques 15 (1980): 205–30, at 223. The excerpt was attributed to Nicetas of Remesiana (d. 414) in the florilegium, but there is no way to verify his authorship. See Niceta, Instructio ad competentes: Frühchristliche Katechesen aus Dacien, ed. Klaus Gamber (Regensburg, 1964), 2:111.

⁴⁵ Water and the Word, no. 54.1: “Pompe vero diaboli sunt extollentia, auguria, iactantia sive sua omnia malicia atque lutorum immagines vel gloriatio. De operibus vero diaboli que secuntur sicut apostolus narrat, id est fornicatio, inmunditia, homicidia, adulteria, periuria, et cetera que secuntur, quam ‘qui tale agunt regnum dei non consecuntur,’” 608.

⁴⁶ See n. 18, above.

⁴⁷ For insightful analysis of the “Carolingian machinery of Christian formation” initiated by Charlemagne's encyclical letter in general, see Phelan, Formation of Christian Europe (n. 16 above), 189–206. For the crucial role of bishops in the Carolingian regime and reform and dioceses as basic units, see discussions from different angles in Keefe, Water and the Word (n. 16 above), 1:143–47; Martin Gravel, Distances, Rencontres, Communications: Réaliser l'Empire sous Charlemagne et Louis le Pieux (Turnhout, 2012), 205–17; and Carine van Rhijn, Shepherds of the Lord: Priests and Episcopal Statutes in the Carolingian Period (Turnhout, 2007), 33–48. For Charlemagne and bishops, see Rudolff Schieffer, “Karl der Große und die Einsetzung der Bischöfe im Frankenreich,” Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 63 (2007): 451–68; and Janet L. Nelson, “Charlemagne and the Bishops,” in Religious Franks: Religion and Power in the Frankish Kingdoms. Studies in Honour of Mayke de Jong, ed. Rob Meens et al. (Manchester, 2016), 350–69. See also Steffen Patzold, Episcopus: Wissen über Bischöfe im Frankenreich des späten 8. bis frühen 10. Jahrhunderts (Ostfildern, 2008).

⁴⁸ For Carolingian local priests, see Steffen Patzold, Presbyter: Moral, Mobilität, und die Kirchenorganisation im Karolingerreich (Stuttgart, 2020). See also Men in the Middle: Local Priests in Early Medieval Europe, ed. Steffen Patzold and Carine van Rhijn (Berlin, 2016).

⁴⁹ Concilium Turonense 18: “Episcoporum sit magna sollicitudo presbyteris suis tradere baptismi sacramentum et quid in eodem renuntiandum quidve credendum sit. Renuntiatur ergo diabolo et operibus eius. Opera enim diaboli opera carnis esse intelleguntur, quae sunt homicidia, fornicationes, adulteria, ebrietates, et multa alia his similia, quae nimirum diabolico instinctu prius cogitatione mentis concipiuntur quam opere perpetrentur. Pompe vero eiusdem sunt superbia, iactantia, elatio, vana gloria, fastus et alia quamplurima, quae ex his oriri videntur,” ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH Concilia 2.1 (Hanover, 1906), 288–89.

⁵⁰ Capitula tractanda (Capitulary 71); and Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72). François-Louis Ganshof's edition of Capitulary 72 is better than Boretius's in MGH Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover, 1883), 162–64. See Nelson, “Voice of Charlemagne” (n. 1 above), 80–88. Hereafter I follow Nelson's translation of the two capitularies with slight modification. See also Patzold, Episcopus, 74–76. For the continuing influence of the issues raised in the two capitularies of 811 on the reform church councils of 813, see Sebastian Scholz, “Normierung durch Konzile: Die Reformsynoden von 813 und das Problem der Überschneidung von geistlicher und weltlicher Sphäre,” in Charlemagne: Les temps, les espaces, les hommes (n. 17 above), 271–80. For the complicated nature of Carolingian capitularies with a summary of relevant scholarship, see Sören Kaschke and Britta Mischke, “Capitularies in the Carolingian Period,” History Compass 17 (2019): 1–11. See also Philippe Depreux, “Charlemagne et les capitulaires: Formation et reception d'un corpus normatif,” in Charlemagne: Les temps, les espaces, les hommes (n. 17 above), 19–41.

⁵¹ Vatican, BAV, Pal. Lat. 582; and Paris, BnF, Latin 9654. See Mordek, Bibliotheca Capitularium (n. 25 above), 562–78 and 780–97. While Capitulary 72 survives only in these two manuscripts, Capitulary 71 is also found in Nürnberg, Stadtbibliothek, MS Cent. V, App. 96 (first half of the ninth century, western Francia). See Mordek, Bibliotheca Capitularium (n. 25 above), 401–4.

⁵² Arnold Bühler, “Capitularia Relecta: Studien zur Entstehung und Überlieferung der Kapitularien Karls des Großen und Ludwigs des Frommen,” Archiv für Diplomatik 32 (1986): 369–72; and Patrick Wormald, The Making of English Law: King Alfred to the Twelfth Century, Volume 1: Legislation and its Limits (Oxford, 2001), 61.

⁵³ Capitula tractanda (Capitulary 71): “De interrogatione domni imperatoris de anno undecimo,” ed. Boretius, 161. According to the Annales regni Francorum, after making a treaty with the Danes in the spring of 811, Charlemagne held the general assembly in Aachen according to custom: “Imperator vero pace cum Hemmingo firmata et placito generali secundum consuetudinem Aquis habito in tres partes regni sui totidem exercitus misit,” ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 6 (Hanover, 1895), 134–35.

⁵⁴ Capitula tractanda (Capitulary 71) 2–5, ed. Boretius, 161. An outstanding survey of the use of this biblical verse in Carolingian debates on the involvement of ecclesiastics in secular affairs can be found in Gerda Heydemann, “Nemo militans Deo implicat se saecularia negotia: Carolingian Interpretations of II Timothy II.4,” Early Medieval Europe 29 (2021): 55–85.

⁵⁵ See n. 2, above.

⁵⁶ Capitula tractanda (Capitulary 71) 8: “Quod ille bene in Deum non credit qui praecepta eius impune se contempnere putat vel qui ea quasi non ventura despicit quae ille comminatus est,” ed. Boretius, 161.

⁵⁷ Capitula tractanda (Capitulary 71) 9: “Quod nobis despiciendum est, utrum vere christiani sumus. Quod in consideratione vitae vel morum nostrorum facillime cognosci potest, si diligenter conversationem coram discutere voluerimus,” ed. Boretius, 161.

⁵⁸ Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72): “Item breuis capitulorum quibus fideles nostros episcopos et abbates alloqui uolumus et commonere de communi omnium nostrorum utilitate,” ed. Ganshof, 21.

⁵⁹ One of the “anno praeterito tria triduana ieiunia” mentioned in Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 1, ed. Ganshof, 21, can be identified with the fast on 9–11 December 810 recorded in a fragmentary letter by Riculf of Mainz. See Rihcolfi archiepiscopi ad eginonem epistola, ed. Alfred Boretius, MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover, 1883), 249.

⁶⁰ Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 3, ed. Ganshof, 21.

⁶¹ Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 1: “Primo commemorandum est quod anno praeterito tria triduana ieiunia fecimus, Deum orando ut ille nobis dignaretur ostendere in quibus conuersatio nostra coram illo emendari debuisset: quod nunc facere desideramus,” ed. Ganshof, 21.

⁶² Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 2, ed. Ganshof, 21.

⁶³ Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 4, ed. Ganshof, 22. See Rachel Stone, “‘In What Way Can Those Who Have Left the World be Distinguished?’: Masculinity and the Difference between Carolingian Men,” in Intersections of Gender, Religion and Ethnicity in the Middle Ages, ed. Cordelia Beattie and Kirsten A. Fenton (Basingstoke, 2011), 12–33.

⁶⁴ Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 5–6: “cupiditate ductus propter adipiscendas res,” ed. Ganshof, 22.

⁶⁵ Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 9: “Quid unusquisque Christo in baptismo promittat uel quibus causis abrenunciat, ut quamuis unicuique christiano considerandum sit, specialiter tamen ab ecclesiasticis inquirendum, qui laicis ipsius promissionis et abrenunciationis in sua uita exemplum praebere debent. Hic diligentissime considerandum est et acutissime distinguendum quae sectando uel quae neglegendo unusquisque nostrum ipsam suam promissionem et abrenuntiationem uel conseruet uel irritam faciat; et quis sit ille Satanas siue aduersarius, cuius opera uel pompam in baptismo renunciauimus. Hic autem conspitiendum est, ne peruersa unusquisque faciendo illum quislibet nostrum sequatur, cui iamdudum in baptismo renunciauimus,” ed. Ganshof, 23.

⁶⁶ Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 11, ed. Ganshof, 24.

⁶⁷ Keefe, Water and the Word, no. 16: “unde sive hi qui baptizandi sunt sive nos qui baptismi sacramentum iam percepimus, ante oculos ponere debemus pactum quod cum deo in baptismate fit, ubi abrenuntiatur satanae et operibus eius et pompis eius. quod pactum tunc irritum fit, si aut in fide quis permanendo vitiis, aut a fide exhorbitando idolorum cultibus, aut eresim erroribus subdatur,” 300.

⁶⁸ Keefe, Water and the Word, no. 16: “. . . ut quibusdam quaestionibus de ordine baptismi a domino et glorioso imperatore karolo tibi transmissis breviter et cito respondere,” 280.

⁶⁹ Institutio canonicorum Aquisgranensis 114, ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH Concilia 2.1 (Hanover, 1906), 396–97. For the Council of Aachen, see Wilfried Hartmann, Die Synoden der Karolingerzeit im Frankenreich und in Italien (Paderborn, 1989), 156–60. For Magnus's use of Theodulf's baptismal exposition, see Keefe, “An Unknown Response” (n. 26 above).

⁷⁰ For Theodulf's life and career, see Elisabeth Dahlhaus-Berg, Nova Antiquitas et Antiqua Novitas: Typologische Exegese und isidorianisches Geschichtsbild bei Theodulf von Orléans (Vienna, 1954), 2–21; Ann Freeman, “Theodulf of Orléans: A Visigoth at Charlemagne's Court,” in L'Europe héritière de l'Espagne wisigothique, ed. Jacques Fontaine and Christine Pellistrandi (Madrid, 1992), 185–94; and Theodulf of Orléans: The Verse, ed. Theodore Murdock Andersson (Tempe, 2014), 1–8.

⁷¹ A critical and comprehensive study of Leidrad and his career is needed. See Hubert Mordek, “Leidrad, Bischof von Lyon (797–814/6),” in Lexikon des Mittelalters (Stuttgart, 1977–1999), 5:1855; and Philippe Depreux, Prosopographie de l'entourage de Louis le Pieux (781–840) (Sigmaringen, 1997), 287–88. Useful information is also available in Louis Holtz, “Leidrat, évêque de Lyon (798–814): Ses livres, son écriture,” in Amicorum societas: Mélanges offerts à François Dolbeau pour son 65e anniversaire, ed. Jacques Elfassi, Cécile Lanéry, and Anne-Marie Turcan-Verkerk (Florence, 2013), 315–33. For Leidrad as missus in 798, see the poem of Theodulf, Contra iudices, ed. Ernst Dümmler, MGH, Poetae 1 (Berlin, 1881), 496–97. For Leidrad's reform in Lyon, see his epistolary report to Charlemagne: Recherches sur l'Histoire de Lyon du Ve Siècle au IXe Siècle (450–800), ed. Alfred Coville (Paris, 1929), 283–87. For Charlemagne's will and its witnesses, see the record in Einhard, Vita Karoli Magni, ed. O. Holder-Egger, MGH, Scriptores rerum Germanicarum in usum scholarum 25 (Hanover and Leipzig, 1911), 37–41. For Leidrad's retirement, see the records in Ado, Chronicon, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH, Scriptores 2 (Hanover, 1829), 320; and Annales Lugduneses, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH, Scriptores 1 (Hanover, 1826), 110.

⁷² Water and the Word, no. 25: “his quae ab exordio mundi ad potentiam baptismi pertinentia praefigurata sunt,” 354–58, at 354–55. Useful theological analysis can be found in Cramer, Baptism and Change (n. 16 above), 159–73.

⁷³ Water and the Word, no. 25: “in regnum Domini sui per sacramentum baptismatis transferantur,” 358.

⁷⁴ Water and the Word, no. 25: “pulchra comparatio, ut dum moluntur per exorcismum, a potestate diaboli eruantur; dum consparguntur per baptismum, a peccatorum sordibus emundentur; dum per chrisma cocuntur, spiritus sancti gratia illustrentur et confirmentur,” 374.

⁷⁵ Water and the Word, no. 25: “abrenuntiandum est non solum vocibus, sed etiam moribus; non tantum sono linguae, sed et actu vitae,” 362.

⁷⁶ Water and the Word, no. 25, 379.

⁷⁷ Water and the Word, no. 25: “de hoc autem quod quaeritur a nobis ut similiter dicamus si in hoc quod praedicamus nos ipsos custodiamus, nos actenus nescivimus et adhuc nescimus, utrum possit homo suam profiteri custodiam quam habet erga divina mandata. nam cum cotidiae vitae continentiam consequi conemur et cotidiae aut oblivione aut subreptione aut infirmitate aut quod peius est, voluntate peccemus; quomodo possumus profiteri ea, quae volentes, quando neque ea, quae nolentes agimus, intelligimus? sicut scriptum est: ‘delicta quis intelligit?’ nam etsi dictum est: ‘deus vitam meam enuntiavi tibi,’ nos putamus quod de criminibus id possimus facere, non de aliis actibus nostris, sicut scriptum est: ‘dixi, confitebor adversum me iniustitiam meam domino,’ qualiter nos in his quae praedicamus custodiamus, qui cotidie peccamus?,” 380.

⁷⁸ Water and the Word, no. 25: “sed si propterea quia nos ea implere non possumus, aliis non praedicaverimus, duplex ut putamus malum erit,” 383.

⁷⁹ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “. . . quod in his ad quae vos avidius audienda parabatis, nostra imperitia minime satisfecerit. Tunc demum non tam imperiali, quam paterna ammonitione innotescere nobis dignati estis, minus nos dixisse de abrenunciatione diaboli et earum que eius sunt rerum, quam vestra pietas optabat,” PL 99, col. 873C–D. Leidrad's second letter of reply on baptism has rarely been studied. Jean Mabillon's edition of the letter was reprinted by Jacques-Paul Migne in PL 99, cols. 873B–84C, which is cited hereafter with modification according to its lone manuscript (see below).

⁸⁰ For the reception of the De civitate Dei and Augustinian works in general in the Carolingian era, see John Contreni, “Carolingian Era, Early,” in Augustine through the Ages: An Encyclopedia, ed. Allan Fitzgerald and John Cavadini (Grand Rapids, 1999), 692–93; Sophia Mösch, Augustine and the Art of Ruling in the Carolingian Imperial Period: Political Discourse in Alcuin of York and Hincmar of Rheims (London, 2020); and Josh Timmermann, “An Authority among Authorities: Knowledge and Use of Augustine in the Wider Carolingian World,” Early Medieval Europe 28 (2020): 532–59. For the reception of the works of Julianus Pomerius, see Jean Devisse, “L'influence de Julien Pomère sur les clercs carolingiens: De la pauvreté au Ve et IXe siècles,” Revue d'histoire de l’église de France 56 (1970): 285–95; Martin A. Claussen, The Reform of the Frankish Church: Chrodegang of Metz and the Regula canonicorum in the Eighth Century (Cambridge 2004), 184–203; and Josh Timmermann, “Sharers in the Contemplative Virtue: Julianus Pomerius's Carolingian Audience,” Comitatus 45 (2014): 1–45. For the Carolingian reception of the patristic tradition in general, see Bernice Kaczynski, “The Authority of the Fathers: Patristic Texts in Early Medieval Libraries and Scriptoria,” Journal of Medieval Latin 16 (2006): 1–27; Dominique Alibert, “La transmission des textes patristiques à l’époque carolingienne,” Revue des sciences philosophiques et théologiques 91 (2007): 7–21; and Willemien Otten, “The Texture of Tradition: The Role of the Church Fathers in Carolingian Theology,” in The Reception of the Church Fathers in the West: From the Carolingians to the Maurists, ed. Irena Backus (Leiden, 1997), 1:3–50.

⁸¹ For Carolingian authors’ “innovative deference to the Fathers of the Church,” see Owen Phelan, “Catechising the Wild: The Continuity and Innovation of Missionary Catechesis under the Carolingians,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 61 (2010): 455–74, at 456; and idem, “New Insights, Old Texts: Clerical Formation and the Carolingian Renewal in Hrabanus Maurus,” Traditio 71 (2017): 63–89.

⁸² De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “. . . peccatorum, quibus in Baptismo abrenunciavimus, et (quod peius est) ad ea iterum revertentes,” PL 99, col. 881C.

⁸³ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “Intelleximus itaque post vestram benignissimam ammonitionem, quia de operibus et pompis diaboli multiplicius respondendum erat, quam de ceteris rebus: quoniam per ea cupiditates, et per cupiditates scandala mundi crebescunt et crescunt quotidie, et quod peius est inter ecclesiae rectores et reipublicae administratores discordiae oriuntur; et quod adhuc horum est pessimum inter doctores et auditores odia se interserunt, inimicitiae concitantur, detractiones agitantur,” PL 99, col. 873D.

⁸⁴ Capitula tractanda (Capitulary 71) 5: “Interrogandi sunt, in quibus rebus vel locis ecclesiastici laicis aut laici ecclesiasticis ministerium suum impediunt,” ed. Boretius, 161.

⁸⁵ Charles Du Fresne Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis (Niort, 1883–87), 1:470b–71a and 3:154b.

⁸⁶ See Gregory the Great, Règle pastorale, ed. Floribert Rommel, SC 381–382 (Paris, 1992), 63–76. For the concept of doctor in early medieval writings, see Hannah W. Matis, The Song of Songs in the Early Middle Ages (Leiden, 2019), 42–57. Note that auditor could also refer to a catechumen, that is, one who “hears the teaching of faith.” See Isidore, Etymologiarum VII.xiv.7: “Catechumenus dictus pro eo, quod adhuc doctrinam fidei audit,” ed. W. M. Lindsay (Oxford, 1911).

⁸⁷ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “Omnia igitur mala quae per seminarium superbiae de radice oriuntur cupiditatis, in his duobus complectuntur, id est operibus et pompis,” PL 99, col. 877C.

⁸⁸ See n. 64, above.

⁸⁹ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “Deinde avaritia, quia plus quam illi sufficere debuit, appetivit.” PL 99, cols. 876D–77A, at 877A. See also Augustine, Enchiridion 13, ed. Ernest Evans, CCL 46 (Turnhout, 1969), 74.

⁹⁰ See the words italicized below: Capitula tractanda (Capitulary 71) 7: “Quae sectando vel neglegendo ipsam suam renunciationem vel abrenunciationem irritam faciat,” ed. Boretius, 161; and Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 9: “Quid unusquisque Christo in baptismo promittat uel quibus causis abrenunciat . . . et quis sit ille Satanas siue aduersarius, cuius opera uel pompam in baptismo renunciauimus. Hic autem conspitiendum est, ne peruersa unusquisque faciendo illum quislibet nostrum sequatur, cui iamdudum in baptismo renunciauimus,” ed. Ganshof, 23.

⁹¹ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “Discernenda sunt igitur haec duo.” PL 99, col. 874C–D, at 874D.

⁹² De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “Quid inter se differant renunciare et abrenunciare? Quorum differentia in eo vel maxime apparet quod renunciamus rebus licitis, abrenunciamus autem inlicitis: renunciamus affectionibus, abrenunciamus autem inlecebris: renunciamus parentibus, abrenunciamus autem diabolo,” PL 99, cols. 874D–75A.

⁹³ See Gottschalk of Orbais, Opusculum grammaticum II: “Inter ‘abrenuntiare’ et ‘renuntiare’ hoc interest quod abrenuntiamus inlicitis renuntiamus licitis, abrenuntiamus diabolo et omnibus operibus eius et omnibus pompis eius renuntiamus diuitiis et propriis facultatibus,” ed. Cyrille Lambot, Oeuvres théologiques et grammaticales de Godescalc d'Orbais (Louvain, 1945), 470. For Gottschalk (d. late 860s), see Matthew Bryan Gillis, Heresy and Dissent in the Carolingian Empire: The Case of Gottschalk of Orbais (Oxford, 2017). Note that while in Gottschalk's florilegium it is said “we deny wealth and its resources,” Leidrad wrote “we deny parents” instead.

⁹⁴ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “ex toto corde abrenunciandum diabolo, operibus, ac pompis eius, ut nulla nobis cum illis communio relinquatur, ne earum actione rursus cogamur in eius regnum relabi,” PL 99, col. 875B.

⁹⁵ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “sicque facultates terrenas ad sustentationem possident, ut tamen etiam ex eis Deo serviant, cuius aeterna bona desiderant. Et quia in divinis litteris cupiditas reprehenditur, non facultas,” PL 99, col. 875A–B.

⁹⁶ See n. 65, above.

⁹⁷ Capitula de causis (Capitulary 72) 4–6 and 8, ed. Ganshof, 22–23.

⁹⁸ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “impudens superbia, importuna cupiditas, infrunita lascivia,” PL 99, col. 883B.

⁹⁹ De abrenuntiatione diaboli: “Propter quae non solum caelitus corripimur et castigamur; verum etiam praeponuntur nobis a Deo potestates, quibus subditi esse debemus, non solum propter iram, sed et propter conscientiam: qui propter ista emendanda promulgant leges, decernunt iusta, proponunt supplicia, vincula, torturas, flagella, exsilia, amputationes membrorum, amissiones rerum, diversi generis mortes: et auferri non possunt de mundo. Propter ista ecclesiasticus vigor, correptio, excommunicatio, de ecclesia exclusio, leges paenitentiae, anathematizatio: et auferri non possunt de ecclesia,” PL 99, cols. 881D–82A. The source of this remarkable passage has not yet been found in any known Latin works before 800. A similar passage appears in a liturgical florilegium known as the De divinis officiis, once wrongly attributed to Alcuin of York, but actually composed ca. 950 (PL 101, cols. 1173D–1202D, at 1197D). See Cyrille Vogel, Medieval Liturgy: An Introduction to the Sources (Washington, D.C., 1986), 13.

¹⁰⁰ De abrenuntiatione diaboli, PL 99, cols. 882B–D and 883B, with borrowings from Augustine, De civitate Dei XXII.22, XIX.6, and XV.4, ed. Bernhard Dombart and Alfons Kalb (Stuttgart, 1993), 604–5, 364–65, and 63, respectively.

¹⁰¹ De abrenuntiatione diaboli, PL 99. 884B–C, borrowed from Augustine, De civitate Dei XXI.16, ed. Dombart and Kalb, 519–20.

¹⁰² Many passages in the De abrenuntiatione diaboli drawn from the De civitate Dei are not found excerpted in any other known late antique or early medieval work. It not only reminds us of the wide knowledge of Augustine's works in Carolingian Lyon, but also implies a potential approach to the classic question in which sense, according to Einhard, Augustine's magnum opus was Charlemagne's favorite book. See Paul-Irénée Fransen, “Un commentaire marginal du De civitate Dei dans deux manuscrits [Lyon 607 et 606],” Revue bénédictine 117 (2007): 125–46.

¹⁰³ Paris, BnF, Latin 12262 is the only extant manuscript. It is a composite of three parts, the first of which (fols. 136–148) was copied in the first half of the ninth century in northern Francia and consists of both of Leidrad's two epistolary treatises on baptism. See Bernhard Bischoff, Katalog der festländischen Handschriften des neunten Jahrhunderts (mit Ausnahme der wisigotischen) (Wiesbaden, 1998–2017), 3:194 (no. 4801 and 4802). Leidrad's first letter of reply is found in four more manuscripts. See Keefe, Water and the Word (n. 16 above), 1:160–63 and 2:353. At least two Carolingian baptismal expositions show influence of Leidrad's first letter: Water and the Word, nos. 26 and 38, 385–88, and 393–404. Keefe suggested that Leidrad's second letter was used in one Carolingian baptismal exposition, but a textual check does not corroborate her claim. See Keefe, “Carolingian Baptismal Expositions” (n. 23 above), 199. Leidrad's retirement in Soissons might contribute to the survival of the second letter in northern Francia.

¹⁰⁴ For comprehensive discussion on parrhesia in the early medieval west, see Irene van Renswoude, The Rhetoric of Free Speech in Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages (Cambridge, 2019).

¹⁰⁵ The annotations are edited in Paul-Irénée Fransen, “Un commentaire marginal lyonnais du Deutéronome du milieu du IXe siècle,” Revue bénédictine 117 (2007): 31–63 and 339–82. A comprehensive study of these annotations is in preparation.

¹⁰⁶ Fransen, “Un commentaire marginal lyonnais,” 60: “Hoc preceptum Salamon custodire neclexit qui amore mulierum inlectus, usque ad idolorum cultum declinauit; nunc autem in ecclesia sacerdotes elati, diuitiarum amatores, deliciis abluentes atque luxoriose uiuentes, subiectos sibi non ad celestem patriam prouocant sed exemplo prauitatis suae et uerbo, ad concupiscentias mundi quas in baptismo renuntiauerunt, quasi ad Egiptum reuocant. Egyptus enim figura est mundi, uita Egypti conuersatio gentilium.”

¹⁰⁷ For both the challenge of studying the implementation of Carolingian top-down reform in local practice and a positive evaluation of its success, see van Rhijn, “Charlemagne's Correctio” (n. 17 above).

¹⁰⁸ Water and the Word, no. 23: “interrogamus illos quos antea instruximus in fide, et quos postea scrutati fuimus . . . si abrenuntient, id est contradicant satanae contrariae potestati, et omnibus operibus eius, et omnibus pompis eius,” 345–46; and Water and the Word, no. 33: “Scrutinium namque est inquisitio vel investigatio quia opera diaboli et eius pompae quae primum hominem in paradyso per pravam suggestionem a mandato dei superaverat, et vas illud ex limo terrae formatum et animatum veneno suae militiae inficerat, per ora sacerdotum et manus inpositionum, scrutiniatum atque purgatum,” 463–64.

¹⁰⁹ An excellent survey of Carolingian preaching can be found in James McCune, “The Preacher's Audience, c. 800–c. 950,” in Sermo doctorum: Compilers, Preachers and their Audiences in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Maximilian Diesenberger, Yitzhak Hen, and Marianne Pollheimer (Turnhout, 2013), 283–338. More concentrated on the age of Charlemagne is Maximilian Diesenberger, “Karl der Grosse und die Predigt,” in Charlemagne: Les temps, les espaces, les hommes (n. 17 above), 81–99. Both Diesenberger and McCune have worked on the early-ninth-century Sermonary of Salzburg in the context of Carolingian reform: James McCune, “An Edition and Study of Select Sermons from the Carolingian Sermonary of Salzburg” (Ph.D. diss., University of London, 2006); Maximilian Diesenberger, Predigt und Politik im frühmittelalterlichen Bayern: Arn von Salzburg, Karl der Große und die Salzburger Sermones-Sammlung (Berlin, 2015). For a case study about how the Lord's Prayer was taught through early medieval sermons for Rogation days, see Nathan J. Ristuccia, Christianization and Commonwealth in Early Medieval Europe: A Ritual Interpretation (Oxford, 2018), 178–209.

¹¹⁰ The best overall survey of Carolingian popular sermons is still Thomas Amos, “The Origin and Nature of the Carolingian Sermon” (Ph.D. diss., Michigan State University, 1983). See also Thomas. N. Hall, “The Early Medieval Sermon,” in The Sermon, ed. Beverly Mayne Kienzle, Typologie des sources du Moyen Âge occidental 81–83 (Turnhout, 2000), 203–69.

¹¹¹ Thomas Amos, “Preaching and the Sermon in the Carolingian World,” in De Ore Domini: Preacher and Word in the Middle Ages, ed. Thomas Amos, Eugene A. Green, and Beverly Mayne Kienzle (Kalamazoo, 1989), 46. For newly discovered sermons, see Clare Woods, “Six New Sermons by Hrabanus Maurus on the Virtues and Vices,” Revue bénédictine 107 (1997): 280–306; and Stephen Pelle, “An Edition of an Unstudied Early Carolingian Sermon Collection,” Journal of Medieval Latin 23 (2013): 87–160. For a summary of new developments in early medieval sermon studies, see McCune, Sermonary of Salzburg, 1–36.

¹¹² Amos, “The Origin and Nature of the Carolingian Sermon,” 200–219.

¹¹³ See n. 40, above. For a brief survey of selected sermons possibly produced in accordance with the Admonitio generalis, see Die Admonitio Generalis Karls Des Grossen (n. 39 above), 142–43.

¹¹⁴ Capitulare missorum Aquisgranense primum 6, ed. Alfred Boretius, MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover, 1883), 153 (no. 64); and Capitulare missorum Aquisgranense secundum 2, ed. Alfred Boretius, MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover, 1883), 154 (no. 65).

¹¹⁵ Annales regni Francorum, a. 813: “super statu ecclesiarum corrigendo,” ed. Kurze (n. 53 above), 138. See also Hartmann, Synoden (n. 69 above), 129–140; and Rutger Kramer, Rethinking Authority in the Carolingian Empire: Ideals and Expectations during the Reign of Louis the Pious (813–828) (Amsterdam, 2019), 70–91.

¹¹⁶ Concilium Turonense 17, ed. Werminghoff (n. 49 above), 288; Concilium Arelatense 10, ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH Concilia 2.1 (Hanover, 1906), 251; Concilium Remense 14–15, ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH Concilia 2.1 (Hanover, 1906), 255; Concilium Cabillonense 14, ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH Concilia 2.1 (Hanover, 1906), 276; and Karoli magni capitula e canonibus excerpta 14, ed. Albert Werminghoff, MGH Concilia 2.1 (Hanover, 1906), 296.

¹¹⁷ Concilium Turonense 17: “Visum est unanimitati nostrae, ut quilibet episcopus habeat omelias continentes necessarias ammonitiones, quibus subiecti erudiantur, id est de fide catholica, prout capere possint, de perpetua retributione bonorum et aeterna damnatione malorum, de resurrectione quoque futura et ultimo iudicio et quibus operibus possit promereri beata vita quibusve excludi,” ed. Werminghoff (n. 49 above), 288.

¹¹⁸ Wilhelm Scherer, “Eine lateinische Musterpredigt aus der Zeit Karls des Großen,” Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur 12 (1865): 436–46 (cited hereafter as Musterpredigt). Klaus Gamber mistakenly attributed it to Niceta of Remesiana: Instructio ad competentes, ed. Gamber (n. 44 above), 176–81. The four ninth-century manuscripts are Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, MS 515 (fols. 6r–8v); Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, MS Clm 6330 (fols. 66r–70r); Paris, BnF, Latin 14986 (fols. 11r–13v); and Laon, Bibliothèque municipale, MS 265 (fols. 176r–180v). See John Contreni, The Cathedral School of Laon from 850 to 930: Its Manuscripts and Masters (Munich, 1978), 133–34, n. 54, though Contreni's suggestion that the sermon is also found in Kassel, Universitätsbibliothek, Landesbibliothek und Murhardsche Bibliothek, MS 4° theol. 24 does not seem to be correct.

¹¹⁹ Musterpredigt, ed. Scherer, 442–44.

¹²⁰ For doubt about the direct connection between the sermon and the Admonitio generalis, see Einleitung to Die Admonitio Generalis Karls Des Grossen (n. 39 above), 142.

¹²¹ Musterpredigt: “adprehendamus ea quae ducunt ad vitam. et haec sunt praecepta dei . . .” ed. Scherer, 440–41.

¹²² Musterpredigt: “observemus nos ab operibus malis quae ad interitum et ad infernum ducunt hominem. haec sunt autem opera mala et criminalia peccata a quibus nos observare debemus. sacrilegium quod dicitur cultura idolorum . . . quae universa iuxta iudicium sanctorum patrum sacrilegia sunt, a Christianis vitanda et detestanda et capitalia peccata esse dinoscuntur. homicidium, adulterium, fornicatio, furta et rapina, falsum testimonium, periurium, detractio, cupiditas, superbia, invidia, vana gloria, aebrietas, ista omnia capitalia peccata esse absque dubitatione conprobantur,” ed. Scherer, 439.

¹²³ Musterpredigt: “haec sunt opera Satane quibus abrenuntiant Christiani in baptismo. haec opera Satanas in die exitus nostri in nobis requirit, et si invenerit nos reos sibi vindicat, et ad inferni claustra et aeternas poenas secum nudos et flentes et lugentes trait,” ed. Scherer, 440.

¹²⁴ See Bernhard Bischoff, “Die Abtei Lorsch im Spiegel seiner Handschriften,” in Die Reichsabtei Lorsch: Festschrift zum Gedenken an ihre Stiftung 764, ed. Friedrich Knöpp (Darmstadt, 1973–1977), 2:46–47; and Frederick S. Paxton, “Bonus Liber: A Late Carolingian Clerical Manual from Lorsch (Biblioteca Vaticana MS Pal. lat. 485),” in The Two Laws: Studies in Medieval Legal History Dedicated to Stephan Kuttner, ed. Laurent Mayali and Stephanie Tibbetts (Washington, D.C., 1990), 1–30.

¹²⁵ An edition and translation are available in H. W. M. van den Sandt and David Flüsser, The Didache: Its Jewish Sources and its Place in Early Judaism and Christianity (Minneapolis, 2002), 102–3 (cited as Lorsch Sermon hereafter). Their translation is used with modification.

¹²⁶ It is attributed to the well-known missionary in extant manuscripts and was edited in the eighteenth century together with fourteen other sermons attributed to Boniface. See Collectio amplissima ueterum scriptorum et monumentorum, ed. Edmond Martène and Ursin Durand (Paris, 1733), 9:185–218. For the manuscript transmission and the editorial history of the Pseudo-Boniface sermon collection, see Bouhot, “Alcuin” (n. 44 above), 184–91. Note that recent support for Boniface's authorship applies only to the first fourteen sermons and not to the fifteenth. See Rob Meens, “Christianization and the Spoken Word: The Sermons Attributed to St Boniface,” in Zwischen Niederschrift und Wiederschrift: Hagiographie und Historiographie im Spannungsfeld von Kompendienüberlieferung und Editionstechnik, ed. Richard Corradini (Vienna, 2010), 211–22.

¹²⁷ Bouhot, “Alcuin” (n. 44 above), 185.

¹²⁸ Lorsch Sermon: “quid in baptismo renuntiastis. abrenuntiastis enim diabulo et omnibus operibus eius,” ed. van den Sandt and Flüsser, 102. Note the indiscriminate use of renuntiare and abrenuntiare.

¹²⁹ Lorsch Sermon: “exquirere strigas et fictos lupos credere. Dominis inobedientes esse. philacteria habere,” ed. van den Sandt and Flüsser, 102.

¹³⁰ Lorsch Sermon: “per confessionem et dignam paenitentiam emendetis ut ueniam consequi mereamini,” ed. van den Sandt and Flüsser, 102.

¹³¹ Keefe, Water and the Word, no. 16: “. . . non nisi per confessionem peccatorum suorum et emendationem morum et salutaris poenitentiae,” 299.

¹³² Rob Meens, Penance in Medieval Europe, 600–1200 (Cambridge, 2014), 111–23.

¹³³ For the Excarpsus Cummeani, see Meens, Penance in Medieval Europe, 108–11 and 229–30. An edition and English translation can be found in Ludwig Bieler, The Irish Penitentials (Dublin, 1963), 108–34. Note that Vatican, BAV, Pal. Lat. 485 happens to have the complete Excarpsus Cummeani. Vatican, BAV, MS Pal. Lat. 485 is treated as one of the examples of Carolingian “educational penitentials” in Eleni Leontidou, “Penitential Manuscripts and the Teaching of Penance in Carolingian Europe,” Studies in Church History 55 (2019): 72–82, at 77.

¹³⁴ Lorsch Sermon: “haec sunt ergo quae in baptismo promisistis et custodire debetis . . .” ed. van den Sandt and Flüsser (n. 125 above), 102–3. Note that although the listing is obviously applied to the laity, some of virtues enumerated seem to be drawn from the fourth chapter of the Regula Benedicti. See Timothy Fry, RB 1980: The Rule of St. Benedict in Latin and English with Notes (Collegeville, 1981), 180–87. Scott G. Bruce recently pointed out a handful of cases of the use of the fourth chapter of the Regula Benedicti in Carolingian pastoral care. He suggested that “prelates trained in monastic schools before pursuing careers in the church were the people most likely to repurpose the rule for pastoral use,” and noted that one of these prelates was Theodulf. See Scott G. Bruce, “Textual Triage and Pastoral Care in the Carolingian Age: The Example of the Rule of Benedict,” Traditio 75 (2020): 127–41, at 131. Is it a coincidence that the Lorsch Sermon is attached to Theodulf's first episcopal statute in Vatican, BAV, MS Pal. Lat. 485?

¹³⁵ For a summary of the relevant scholarship, see van den Sandt and Flüsser, The Didache (n. 125 above), 104–7.

¹³⁶ See n. 65, above.

¹³⁷ For example, Water and the Word, no. 15 (Magnus's baptismal exposition): “quam abrenuntiationem recte confessio sanctae trinitatis sequitur,” 268. For the early evolution of the profession of faith, see Paul F. Bradshaw, “The Profession of Faith in Early Christian Baptism,” Evangelical Quarterly 78 (2006): 101–15. The syntaxis (adherence to Christ) paired with apotaxis (renunciation) common in eastern rites was not practiced in the Latin west.

¹³⁸ The sermon is printed in Albert M. Koeniger, Die Militärseelsorge der Karolingerzeit: Ihr Recht und ihre Praxis (Munich, 1918), 68–72 (cited as Sermon for Soldiers hereafter), esp. 69: “qui cotidie visibiliter contra inimicos suos dimicant.” See Joseph M. Heer, Ein Karolingischer Missions-Katechismus: Ratio de cathecizandis rudibus und die Tauf-Katechesen des Maxentius von Aquileia und eines Anonymous im Kodex Emmeram. xxxiii saec. ix (Freiburg, 1911), 60–62; and David Steward Bachrach, “Confession in the Regnum Francorum (742–900): The Sources Revisited,” Journal of Ecclesiastical History 54 (2003): 3–22, at 15–18.

¹³⁹ For the manuscript, see Heer, Ein Karolingischer Missions-Katechismus; Keefe, Water and the Word (n. 16 above), 2:50–51; Abigail Firey, “Useful Guilt: Canonists and Penance on the Carolingian Frontier,” in Readers, Texts, and Compilers in the Earlier Middle Ages: Studies in Medieval Canon Law in Honour of Linda Fowler-Magerl, ed. Martin Brett and Kathleen G. Cushing (Aldershot, 2008), 15–33; and Katalog der lateinischen Handschriften der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München: Die Handschriften aus St. Emmeram in Regensburg, Band 4, Clm 14401–14540, ed. Friedrich Helmer and Julia Knödler (Wiesbaden, 2015), 27–31. The manuscript and its texts are also discussed in Owen Phelan, “The Carolingian Renewal and Christian Formation in Ninth-Century Bavaria,” in Texts and Identities in the Early Middle Ages, ed. Richard Corradini et al. (Vienna, 2006), 389–99; and Maximilian Diesenberger, “‘Über die verfluchenswerten Laster’: Eine Predigt aus der Zeit Ludwigs des Frommen,” in La productivité d'une crise: Le règne de Louis le Pieux (814–840) et la transformation de l'Empire carolingien, ed. Philippe Depreux and Stefan Esders (Ostfildern, 2018), 217–34. Keefe, Water and the Word (n. 16 above), 1:27, suggested that it was a bishop's manual. Note that besides Sermon for Soldiers (fols. 81v–83v), the manuscript also contains three Carolingian baptismal expositions, one of which is Maxentius of Aquileia's reply to Charlemagne's baptismal inquiries.

¹⁴⁰ Sermon for Soldiers: “Libet, fratres karissimi, cum timore divino considerare nomen christianum, quod tenemus, ut dignis etiam moribus in nobis fulgeat, quod vocemur. A Christo enim nomen christianum sumpsit exordium et quia Christo nos domino nostro in baptismo spopondimus et diabolo renuntiavimus et omnibus operibus eius et omnibus pompis eius, ideo maxime nobis oportet, ut, quod Christo promisimus, omni studio ac devotione reddamus, et sicut diabolo renuntiavimus, non iterum concupiscentiis carnis inlecti vel ut canis revertamur ad vomitum, sed potius in confessione verae fidei perseverantes stemus viriliter in acie Christi, pugnemus fortiter, ut vincamus efficaciter et coronemur feliciter!” ed. Koeniger, 68–69.

¹⁴¹ Sermon for Soldiers: “Qui autem diximus: incertum est unicuique tempus vitae suae, ideoque magnopere insistendum est assidue operibus sanctis: carnis concupiscentias edomare, ieiunia sancta, quantum possibile sit, sedulo prosequere, quia haec nos deo maxime commendant, si adsint et caetera opera misericordiae . . .” ed. Koeniger, 70.

¹⁴² Sermon for Soldiers: “Haec vero qui custodit, sacrilegium detestatur, homicidium vel hodium contra proximum quasi venenum diaboli respuit, fornicationem atque adulterium velutmortem perpetuam exsecratur, periurium, falsum testimonium, fraudem, rapinam, invidiam, iram, contumeliam, dissensiones, detractiones, contentiones, rixas, discordias cum omnium vitiorum fomite velut letale morbum perhorrescit,” ed. Koeniger, 70–71.

¹⁴³ Heer, Ein Karolingischer Missions-Katechismus, 60–62.

¹⁴⁴ Capitula Bavarica 2: “Ut a presbiteris ammoneatur plebs christiana, ut sanctitatem vite, quam in baptismo adsumit, studeat omnimodis conservare . . . et ut paenitentiam veram doceantur facere de omnibus peccatis suis et non erubescant confiteri deo peccata sua in ecclesia sancta coram sacerdotibus . . . Et ne tardent converti se ad dominum deum ipsorum, quia nescit homo diem exitus sui, ut nullus absque viatiquo et absque confessione vitam istam excedat,” ed. Rudolf Pokorny, MGH, Capitula Episcoporum 3 (Hanover, 1995), 195. For the Christianization and even sanctification of secular life in the Carolingian era, see Thomas F. X. Noble, “Secular Sanctity: Forging an Ethos for the Carolingian Nobility,” in Lay Intellectuals in the Carolingian World, ed. Patrick Wormald and Janet L. Nelson (Cambridge, 2007), 8–36; and Andrew J. Romig, Be a Perfect Man: Christian Masculinity and the Carolingian Aristocracy (Philadelphia, 2017).

¹⁴⁵ The edition of this text by Thomas Martin Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio (n. 40 above), 397–401 (cited as Imperial Sermon hereafter due to its remarkable official nature) supersedes Boretius's in MGH Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover, 1883), 238–40 (no. 121). Amos proposed Theodulf as the author of the sermon without providing any evidence or argumentation. See Amos, “Origin and Nature of the Carolingian Sermon” (n. 110 above), 202. Johannes Schmitt called the sermon a “tiny mirror for laypeople” in Untersuchungen zu den liberi homines der Karolingerzeit (Frankfurt, 1977), 216–18.

¹⁴⁶ Imperial Sermon: “AUDITE, fratres dilectissimi, Pro salute uestra hunc missus, ut ammoneamus uos, quomodo secundum deum iuste et bene uiuatis et hoc secundum cum iustitia et cum misericordia conuersemur,” ed. Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio (n. 40 above), 397. The classic study of the Capitulare missorum generale remains François-Louis Ganshof, “Charlemagne's Programme of Imperial Government,” in idem, The Carolingians and the Frankish Monarchy: Studies in Carolingian History, trans. Janet Sondheimer (Ithaca, NY, 1971), 55–85. For a challenge to the coherence of this capitulary, see Steffen Patzold, “Normen im Buch: Überlegungen zu Geltungsansprüchen so genannter ‘Kapitularien’,” Frühmittelalterliche Studien 41 (2007): 331–50.

¹⁴⁷ Imperial Sermon: “Ammonitionem domni Caroli imperatori,” ed. Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio (n. 40 above), 398. The Capitulare Italicum, ed. Alfred Boretius, MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover, 1883), 204–6 (no. 98) is Charlemagne's first known capitulary after his imperial coronation.

¹⁴⁸ Admonitio generalis, ed. Georg Heinrich Pertz, MGH, Leges (in Folio) 1 (Hanover, 1835), 101.

¹⁴⁹ Missi cuiusdam admonitio, ed. Alfred Boretius, MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover, 1883), 238 (no. 121).

¹⁵⁰ Imperial Sermon, ed. Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio (n. 40 above), 398.

¹⁵¹ Imperial Sermon: “Hec est ergo fides nostras, per quam salui eritis, si eam firmiter tenetis et bonis operibus adimpletis, quia fides sine operibus mortua est, et opera sine fidem, etiamsi bona sunt, deo placere non possunt,” ed. Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio (n. 40 above), 399.

¹⁵² Imperial Sermon: “quia humanum est peccare, angelicum est emendare, diabolicum est perseverare in peccato. Ecclesiam dei defendite et causa eorum adiuuate, ut fieri possint pro uobis orare sacerdotes dei. Quod deo promisistis in baptismo, recordamini; abrenuntiastis diabolo per operibus eius; nolite ad eam reuerti quibus abrenuntiasti, sed permane in dei uoluntate sicut promisisti, et eum diligite qui uos creauit, et quo omnia bona habuistis,” ed. Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio (n. 40 above), 399–400.

¹⁵³ Imperial Sermon: “Unusquisque in eo ordine deo seruiat fideliter in quo ille est . . .” ed. Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio (n. 40 above), 400.

¹⁵⁴ Imperial Sermon: “Brebis est ista uita, et incertum est tempus mortis; quid aliut agendum est, nisi ut semper parati sumus?” ed. Buck, Admonitio und Praedicatio (n. 40 above), 401.

¹⁵⁵ Henri-Xavier Arquilliere, L'Augustinisme politique: Essai sur la formation des théories politiques du moyen âge (Paris, 1955), 167.

¹⁵⁶ That the sermon is attached to the Capitulare missorum generale in the Paris manuscript is persuasively argued by Sören Kaschke at https://capitularia.uni-koeln.de/en/blog/handschrift-des-monats-juli-2018-paris-bnf-lat-4613 (accessed 30 August 2020).

¹⁵⁷ Capitulare missorum generale 2–3: “De fidelitate promittenda domno imperatori . . . Primum, ut unusquisque et persona propria se in sancto Dei servitio secundum Dei preceptum et secundum sponsionem suam pleniter conservare studeat secundum intellectum et vires suas, quia ipse domnus imperator non omnibus singulariter necessariam potest exhibere curam et disciplinam,” ed. Alfred Boretius, MGH, Capitularia regum Francorum 1 (Hanover, 1883), 92 (no. 33); trans. P. D. King, in Charlemagne: Translated Sources (Lambrigg, 1987), 234.

¹⁵⁸ Capitulare missorum generale 9: “Hec enim omnia supradicta imperiali sacramento observari debetur,” ed. Boretius, 92.

¹⁵⁹ The best edition of the Homilia sacra is found in Giles Constable, “The Anonymous Early Medieval Homily in MS Copenhagen GKS 143,” in Ritual, Text, and Law: Studies in Medieval Canon Law and Liturgy Presented to Roger E. Reynolds, ed. Kathleen Cushing and Richard Gyug (Aldershot, 2004), 161–70. For the manuscript, see Mordek, Bibliotheca Capitularium (n. 25 above), 192–96.

¹⁶⁰ Homilia sacra: “A Christo enim christiani sumus uocati, primum quae illut nomen in babtismo suscepimus et in illo babtismo diabolo renunciauimus et operibus eius. Post istam abrenunciacionem, nos interrogati a sacerdote: Credis . . .” ed. Constable, 166.

¹⁶¹ Homilia sacra, ed. Constable, 166–67.

¹⁶² “[E]in pastoralpraktischer Kurzkatechismus in Form einer langen Predigt” as defined in Pirmin, Scarapsus, ed. Eckhard Hauswald, MGH, Quellen zur Geistesgeschichte des Mittelalters 25 (Hanover, 2010), xxiv. Arnold Angenendt doubted the attribution of the Scarapsus to Pirmin and dated the work to the second half of the eighth century in Monachi peregrini: Studien zu Pirmin und den monastischen Vorstellungen des frühen Mittelalters (Munich, 1972), 61–74. But Eckhard Hauswald, the most recent editor of the Scarapsus, defended Pirmin's authorship and claimed that “Zeitliche, räumliche oder inhaltliche Gründe, an der Autorschaft Pirmins zu zweifeln, gibt es nicht” (Pirmin, Scarapsus, ed. Hauswald, xix). Hauswald also confirmed Constable's suggestion (“Anonymous Early Medieval Homily,” 163–64) that the Scarapsus is a major source of the Homilia sacra. See Pirmin, Scarapsus, ed. Hauswald, ci.

¹⁶³ Pirmin, Scarapsus 12, ed. Hauswald, 40.

¹⁶⁴ Pirmin, Scarapsus 13, ed. Hauswald, 42–43.

¹⁶⁵ Homilia sacra: “Vnde possumus fratres, deo ueraces esse, qui in babtismo renunciauimus et operibus eius, si hec opera facimus et in consuetudine illa habemus? Et quid proderit christianum nomen habere, si christiana opera non facimus?” ed. Constable, 167.

¹⁶⁶ See n. 57, above.

¹⁶⁷ Nelson, Janet L., “Religion in the Age of Charlemagne,” in The Oxford Handbook of Medieval Christianity, ed. Arnold, John H. (Oxford, 2014), 493Google Scholar.

¹⁶⁸ Both the terms “rhetoric of empire” and “totalizing discourse” are conveniently drawn from Averil Carmeron, Christianity and the Rhetoric of Empire: The Development of Christian Discourse (Berkeley, 1991).

¹⁶⁹ François-Louis Ganshof, “The Last Period of Charlemagne's Reign: A Study in Decomposition,” and “Charlemagne's Failure,” in idem, The Carolingians and the Frankish Monarchy: Studies in Carolingian History, trans. Janet Sondheimer (Ithaca, 1971), 240–55 and 256–72, respectively; and Heinrich Fichtenau, The Carolingian Empire: The Age of Charlemagne, trans. Peter Munz (New York, 1964), 177–88. For new evaluations of the last years of Charlemagne's reign, see Jennifer R. Davis, Charlemagne's Practice of Empire (Cambridge, 2015), 364–77; and Nelson, King and Emperor (n. 1 above), 489–93.