Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-p2v8j Total loading time: 0.001 Render date: 2024-05-16T09:05:16.629Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

The ‘Daemonium meridianum’ and Greek and Latin Patristic Exegesis

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  29 July 2016

Rudolph Arbesmann
Rudolph Arbesmann*
Affiliation:
Fordham University
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

The three decades preceding the publication of the new Latin translation of the Psalter by the Biblical Institute in Rome in 1945 have seen a number of studies and articles which throw revealing light on the interpretation of Psalm 90.6. Discussing the laws of purification and diet in the Old Testament, J. Döller thought it possible to discover in the Bible a few faint vestiges of a popular belief in demons among the Israelites and saw a plague demon especially in ‘the destruction that lays waste at noonday’ (Ps. 90.6b). Referring to Döller's study, S. Landersdorfer pointed to a parallel Assyrian belief which regarded midnight and noonday as periods especially dangerous and haunted by demonic agencies, and was inclined to assume even for the Masoretic text the idea of a demon of night (6a) and a demon of noonday (6b). Both demons were thought to exercise their power especially at the hours of the chilling midnight cold and the scorching noonday heat, and to be responsible for certain bodily disorders, such as sunstroke and malaria fever, and for other diseases caused by the rapid changes of temperature in the southern deserts. In this case the psalmist would already have alluded to a popular belief, though such an allusion would not necessarily imply that he himself shared the view, Landersdorfer's article had been written ten years prior to its publication, that is, in a period when, owing to the disturbances during and shortly after the First World War, access to foreign publications was difficult and often impossible. Thus he was apparently unaware that, only about a year before the completion of his article, W. H. Worrell had pointed out some similar parallels from oriental countries.

Type
Articles
Information
Traditio , Volume 14 , 1958 , pp. 17 - 31
Copyright
Copyright © Fordham University Press 

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 Die Reinheits- und Speisegesetze des Alten Testamentes in religionsgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung (Alttestamentliche Abhandlungen 7.2–3; Munster 1917) 116f.Google Scholar

2 ‘Das daemonium meridianum (Ps. 91[90]6),’ Biblische Zeitschrift 18 (1929) 294–300.Google Scholar

3 A similar opinion, though not supported by arguments as weighty as those presented by Landersdorfer had been voiced about the middle of the last century by Leopardi, G., Saggio sopra gli errori popolari degli antichi (Florence 1859) 93: ‘Non può dedursi dalle parole del Salmista che egli credesse ai folletti o agli spiriti vaganti precisamente nel tempo del meriggio, ma bensì che gli Ebrei fossero persuasi della loro esistanza. Il poeta, come han fatto anche gli altri scrittori sacri in molti luoghi, parlava secondo il sentimento commune della sua nazione.’Google Scholar

4 Cf. Landersdorfer, , loc. cit. (n. 2 supra) 294 n.1.Google Scholar

5 ‘ The Demon of Noonday and Some Related Ideas,’ Journal of the American Oriental Society 38 (1918) 160–166. TraditioCrossRefGoogle Scholar

6 Ars critica (2nd ed.; 2 vols. Amsterdam 1700) II 44.Google Scholar

7 While the Septuagint rendered the passage: (Οὐ φοβηθήση) ἀπò συμπτώματος καὶ δαιμονίου μεσημβϱινοῦ, Aquila translated: ἀπò δηγμοῦ δαιμονίζοντας μεσημβϱίας, and Symmachus: σνγκύϱημα δαιμονιῶδες μεσημβϱίας (Origenis Hexaplorum quae supersunt, ed. Field, F. [2 vols. Oxford 1875] 2.249). The Metaphrasis psalmorum in hexameters, attributed to Apollinaris of Laodicea, whose genuineness has, however, been challenged in recent times, offers according to Ludwich, A.'s critical edition (Leipzig 1912, p. 191): οὐδ’ ὑπò διαμονίοιο μεσημβϱινοῦ ἀντιόωτος. The Roman Psalter in St. Jerome's revision of the Vetus Latina according to the Septuagint reads: ‘(Non timebis) a ruina et daemonio meridiano’ (PL 29.290). In the Gallican Psalter (the text in the Vulgate), St. Jerome's second revision of the Latin text according to the Hexaplaric Septuagint, the passage is rendered: ‘ab incursu et daemonio meridiano’ (PL 29.289). Finally, in his last revision, a translation directly from the Hebrew, St. Jerome wrote: ‘a morsu insidiantis meridie’ (there is a variant reading insanientis, and four MSS have daemonis meridiani; cf. Psalterium iuxta Hebraeos Hieronymi, ed. P. de Lagarde [Leipzig 1874] 98).Google Scholar

8 ‘ Le démon de midi,’ Bulletin Du Cange 9 (1934) 46–54.Google Scholar

9 ‘ Les démons de midi,’ Revue de l'histoire des religions 115 (1937) 142–173; 116 (1937) 54–83; 143–186. The ‘Daemonium Meridianum’Google Scholar

10 Labriolle, De, loc. cit. (n. 8 supra) 50.Google Scholar

11 Caillois, , loc. cit. (n. 9 supra) 116.160. 12 Ibid. 159.Google Scholar

13 Geschichte der altkirchlichen Literatur II (2nd ed. Freiburg i.B. 1914) 21f.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14 Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur (Leipzig 1911) 380. Jordan refers to the first edition of Bardenhewer's work (II 312).Google Scholar

15 Cf. the characterization of biblical theology of the fourth and fifth centuries by Bardenhewer, op. cit. III (2nd ed. 1923) 18–20. Google Scholar

16 To be precise, the Enarrationes in psalmos 1–32 consist of short glosses which read like a series of pious meditations. Eight of them (18; 21; 25; 26; 29–32) have, however, two Enarrationes each, the one consisting of glosses, the other of one or several sermons. The Enarrationes to the remaining psalms are almost exclusively sermons, the exception being the interpretation of psalms 67, 71, 77, 78, 81, 82, 87, 89, 104–108, 135, and 150. The Enarrationes to these latter psalms consist again of glosses. Cf. Bardenhewer, op. cit. IV (1924) 484. Google Scholar

17 A few are polemical, reflecting the Donatist controversies. Cf. ibid. Google Scholar

18 Enarr. in ps. 103, sermo 3.4 (ed. Dekkers, E. and Fraipont, J., CCL 38–40.1502).Google Scholar

19 Enarr. in ps. 18.2.1; 32.2.1.4 (105; 250 Dekkers and Fraipont).Google Scholar

20 Enarr. in ps. 46.1 (529 Dekkers and Fraipont). Concerning the singing of psalms in Christian Africa, see Pope, H. Saint Augustine of Hippo (Westminster, Md. 1949) 52–54; 156f.; Van, F. der Meer, Augustinus der Seelsorger, German transl. by Greitemann, N. (2nd ed. Cologne 1953) 343–345.Google Scholar

21 1254–1278 Dekkers and Fraipont. Google Scholar

22 St. Augustine does not, however, avoid the literal sense altogether. As a matter of fact, occasionally he reminds his listeners that the sacred text must first be understood literally and historically. Cf., for instance, Tractatus in Joh. evang. 50.6 (ed. Willems, R., CCL 36.435): ‘Factum audivimus, mysterium requiramus.’Google Scholar

23 Enarr. in ps. 90, sermo 1.3 (1256 Dekkers and Fraipont).Google Scholar

24 Matth. 4.1–11. Google Scholar

25 Enarr. in ps. 90, sermo 2.1 (1265 Dekkers and Fraipont).Google Scholar

26 Cf. Matth. 4.6 and Ps. 90.11f. Google Scholar

27 Enarr. in ps. 90, sermo 1.1 (1254 Dekkers and Fraipont): ‘Tentatio Christi, nostra doctrina est’; ibid., sermo 2.1 (1265 Dekkers and Fraipont): ‘Ideo tentatus est Christus, ne vincatur a tentatore Christianus.’Google Scholar

28 Ibid., sermo 1.8 (1260 Dekkers and Fraipont).Google Scholar

29 Ibid.: ‘… sagitta volans per diem fuit. Nondum erat daemonium meridianum, flagrans vehementi persecutione.’Google Scholar

30 Ibid. (1261 Dekkers and Fraipont).Google Scholar

31 Ibid. Google Scholar

32 Ibid., sermo 1.10 (1263 Dekkers and Fraipont).Google Scholar

33 Cf. Van der Meer, Augustinus (n. 20 supra) pp. 38; 493–499. Google Scholar

34 Sermo 319.8 (PL 38.1442).Google Scholar

35 Enarr. in ps. 90, sermo 1.7 (1259 Dekkers and Fraipont).Google Scholar

36 Ibid., sermo 1.8 (1260 Dekkers and Fraipont): ‘Ut intelligatis psalmum, quia daemonium meridianum propter aestum vehementis persecutionis positum est.’Google Scholar

37 Expositio in psalterium, in ps. 90 (PL 70.652).Google Scholar

38 Labriolle, De, loc. cit. (n. 8 supra) 49, and Caillois, loc. cit. (n. 9 supra) 116.160 n.1, list the following authors: The Venerable Bede, In psalmorum librum exegesis, in ps. 90 (PL 93.973); Haymo of Halberstadt, Explanatio in psalmos, in ps. 90 (PL 116.510); Remigius of Auxerre, Enarrationes in psalmos, in ps. 90 (PL 131.627); Peter Lombard, Commentarium in psalmos, in ps. 90 (PL 191–850). It should, however, be noted that, though medieval compilations, the first two of these commentaries do not belong to the authors of whom they are attributed. The first is, therefore, printed among the opera dubia et spuria of Bede in Migne's edition; and the Commentary on the Psalms which goes under the name of Haymo of Halberstadt, the friend and contemporary of Rhabanus Maurus, was written not earlier than between 1080 and 1110 (cf. Bigelmair, A., ‘Haimo of Halberstadt,’ LThK 4.790). To this list we may add Bruno of Würzburg (Herbipolis), Expositio psalmorum, ps. 90 (PL 142.339).Google Scholar

39 Ep. 105.5 (ed. Hilberg, I., CSEL 55.246).Google Scholar

40 St. Jerome refers to St. Augustine's Enarrationes in psalmos 1–32, dictated about 396. He also censures the work in his letter to Sunnias and Fretela, Ep. 106.57 (277 Hilberg). Cf. SS. Eusebii Hieronymi et Aurelii Augustini epistulae mutuae, ed. Schmid, J. (Florilegium patristicum 22) 46n.Google Scholar

41 Ep. 112.20 (389f. Hilberg). 42 Ibid. 22 (393 Hilberg).Google Scholar

43 Sancti Hieronymi presbyteri tractatus sive homiliae in psalmos quattuordectm. ed. Morin, G. (Anecdota Maredsolana 3.3; Maredsous 1903) 69f.Google Scholar

44 St. Jerome repeats the same interpretation in his Dialogi contra Pelagianos 2.20 (PL 23.583): ‘Sagitta per diem volitat, per haereticos in sanctarum intelligentia Scripturarum.’ Google Scholar

45 The second and somewhat fuller version (Sancti Hieronymi presbyteri tractatus sive homiliae in psalmos, in Marci evengelium aliaque alia argumenta, ed. Morin, G. [Anecd. Maredsol. 3.2; 1897] 115–117) describes the deceptive method of the heretics in greater detail. Noon, being the hour of the day when light and heat are strongest, symbolizes the perfect understanding of things divine and the virtue of charity. Seeing the Christians in possession of both, the devil transforms himself into an angel of light, promising to men the same abundance of knowledge and virtue. The devil's instruments in this scheme are the heretics: ‘When the heretics give some mysteriously sounding promises concerning the kingdom of heaven, concerning chastity and fasts and holiness and renunciation of the world, they are promising the [light of] noonday. Yet, because it is not the light of Christ, it is not the [true light of] noonday, but the devil of noonday.’ — A text almost identical with that of the second version is found in the Breviarium in psalmos (PL 26.1164f.), a spurious compilation which contains, however, a great number of genuine Hieronymian elements from the Commentarioli and the Tractates sive homiliae on the Psalms. Following St. Jerome's interpretation, medieval mystical writers give the name of daemonium meridianum to the spirit of temptation, coming in the guise of an angel of light. See, for instance, St. Bernard of Clairvaux, In psalmum 90 (‘ Qui habitat’) 6.6 (PL 183.199) and Sermones in cantica canticorum 33.9 (PL 183.955f.); Exordium magnum ordinis Cisterciensis 5.12 (PL 185.1152); Richard of St. Victor, Adnotationes mysticae in psalmos, in ps. 90 (PL 196.394f.); Hugh of St. Cher, In psalterium, in ps. 90 (Opera omnia in universum Vetus et Novum Testamentum 2 [Venetiis 1703] 241v).Google Scholar

46 St. Jerome was apparently fond of this product of his creative imagination. For, it also appears in a work written about the same time, Contra Rufinum 2.17 (PL 23.460): ‘… antequam in Alexandria quasi daemonium meridianum Arius nasceretur …’ Cf. Morin, G., ‘Les monuments de la prédication de Saint Jérôme,” Anecd. Maredsol. Série 2e, 1 (1913) 293.Google Scholar

47 Enarr. in ps. 103, sermo 1.13 (1486 Dekker and Fraipont).Google Scholar

48 See n. 12 supra. Google Scholar

49 Anecd. Maredsol. 3.3.69 (n. 43 supra). 50 Ibid. 69f.Google Scholar

51 Anecd. Maredsol. 3.2.116 (n. 45 supra). 52 Ibid.Google Scholar

53 Enarr. in ps. 26.2.19 (165 Dekker and Fraipont).Google Scholar

54 De catechizandis rudibus 7.11 (PL 40.318).Google Scholar

55 Enarr. in ps. 40.3 (450f. Dekker and Fraipont); cf. ibid. 26.2.19 (165 Dekker and Fraipont).Google Scholar

56 De civitate dei 15.23 (ed. Dombart, B. and Kalb, A., CCL 47–48.489).Google Scholar

57 See, for instance, Van der Meer, Augustinus (n. 20 supra) 74–85; 543–575. Google Scholar

58 ‘ Le commentaire de Diodore de Tarse sur les psaumes,’ Revue de l'Orient chrétien 24 [1924] 58–189, where Mariès also gives a résumé of his earlier articles on the subject.Google Scholar

59 For a precise summary of these scholarly efforts, see Sullivan, F. A., The Christology of Theodore of Mopsuestia (Analecta Gregoriana 82; Rome 1956) 1–3.Google Scholar

60 Devreesse, R., Le commentaire de Theodore de Mopsueste sur les psaumes I-LXXX (Studi e Testi 93; Città del Vaticano 1939).Google Scholar

61 In ps. XC (PG 80.1612).Google Scholar

62 This paraphrase shows some similarity in thought to the text on Ps. 90.6b, found on fol. 237v of Cod. Paris. Coislin. gr. 275. The latter reads: ἀπò συμπτώματος καὶ δαμιονίου μεσημβϱινοῦ : σύμπτωμα καλεῖ τὴν ἐκ τοῦ συμβάντος ἐπιβουλὴν ἢ πληγήν · οἷον καὶ ὁ Σολομών φησι · τοῖς πᾶσι συνάντημα ἓν · δαιμόνιον δὲ μεσημβϱινòν καλεὶ βλάβην ἓνδη-λον καὶ φανεϱάν · θέλων οὖν εἰπεῖν ὃτι καὶ ἀπò τῶν συμβαινόντων χαλεπῶν καὶ ἀπò τῶν ἀφανῶν καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ πϱοφανοῦς ἐπεϱχομένων ἀπαλ<λ>άσσει σε ὁ Θεòς εἰ ἐπ’ αὐτῷ πέποιθας · ταῦτά ψησιν. άσσει+σε+ὁ+Θεòς+εἰ+ἐπ’+αὐτῷ+πέποιθας+·+ταῦτά+ψησιν.>Google Scholar

63 A variant reading has κϱατοῦσαν, Google Scholar

64 PG 80.860. Google Scholar