Herman Kahn said recently that Canada is a regional power without a region. Canada is something of a sport, a nuisance to those who like their political geography neat—rather like Australia or Albania. There are arguments for attaching us to various regions or groups of states. If there is one region, however, to which Canada does not naturally belong it is the so-called Western Hemisphere. Although the Rio Treaty somewhat presumptuously included Canada and Greenland in the area to the defence of which Argentina would rush, we are for purposes of election to the Security Council attached to Western Europe. The Western Hemisphere, as I understand it, begins in the east end of London, includes most of England, all of Ireland, and then goes westward into Siberia. The term has acquired a certain geopolitical significance because it has been a handy way to describe the unnatural but historical relationship between the United States and Latin America.

Space research and exploration are commonly considered the special province of the superpowers. The considerable financial resources and still greater technological capabilities required for programs of manned space flight and planetary investigation are widely assumed to be prerequisites for space research activity of any character. In fact, however, space research is richly varied, in objective and method as well as in material and financial requirements. Thus, it is possible for lesser powers and certain of the developing countries to participate in this newest area of human activity. The values to be achieved are not only scientific and technical but also political and economic. Tangible contributions can be made both to the domestic interests of such countries find to the space programs of major powers. The opportunities implicit in these facts were early recognized by the Latin American countries, particularly Argentina, Brazil, and Mexico, and all are engaged in interesting, stimulating, and productive space activities.

Current experience in international relations reveals not only an increase in the number of international organizations but also a proportionately greater number of associated problems. One of these problems is the ascertainment of legal status and the assessment of the nature and significance of nonmembership.

As long as there are international organizations that embrace less than a universal membership, there will be nonmembers. The problems of nonmembers become particularly acute when one or more of the “great powers” (or states sponsored by them) are involved; the absence of the United States from the League of Nations and the absence of continental China and the divided nations of Germany, Korea, Vietnam, and others from the United Nations attest to this fact.

Puestos a examinar la herencia política y jurídica que los países hispanoamericanos conservan de España, de inmediato nos apercibimos de la inmensidad y la importancia del tema. Los paíes hispanoamericanos cubren una parte importante del Nuevo Mundo y están grávidos de potencialidades inéditas. Es preciso repetir que forman la única región de cultura occidental que permanece en retardo científico, tecnológico y ecónomico. Esperamos que los pueblos avanzados de la esfera occidental de cultura se mantengan conscientes de esta realidad. Está en el interés de todos los pueblos que las regiones atrasadas ocupen su puesto al sol en la sociedad científica y tecnológica de nuestros días. Saber, para actuar apropiadamente, es una prudente actitud, y de ahí que los estudios de los pueblos y regiones estén llamados a tener consecuencias prácticas. La proliferatión de los estudios latinoamericanos en universidades europeas y norteamericanas —y en este punto Texas tiene un papel importante entre las universidades de los Estados Unidos— promete el análisis serio de las realidades sociales e históricas, y por lo tanto el establecimiento de canales idóneos de comunicación.

Entre las cuestiones en que el derecho constitucional lationamericano ha debido separarse del modelo —en tantos otros respectos seguido no sin admiración— de los Estados Unidos de Norteamérica, cuenta la de los indígenas.

La diferencia arraiga en zonas profundas de la historia y de la idiosincrasia de los dos sectores culturales del continente americano. Es consecuencia de la diferente actitud básica con que emprendieron la ocupación de este territorio los ibéricos y los anglosajones. La conquista anglosajona de los actuales Estados Unidos, tendió al desalojo, cuando no al exterminio de los primitivos habitantes de ese territorio. Nunca intentaron, de consiguiente, incorporarlos a la comunidad dominante, ni prepararlos para esa incorporatión, ni la reconocieron deseable o legítima. Los restos de aquellos pobladores indígenas son tratados prácticamente como extranjeros, o poco menos, y han quedado situados en “reservaciones”, algo así como enclaves foráneos dentro del territorio de la Unión.

It is significant that Lino Novás Calvo began his literary career by publishing in the Revista de Avarice, for there are certain similarities between the problems involving artistic expression with which that journal dealt and Novás’ early development of his own art. One scholar has pointed out that one can see in the works published in the Revista de Avarice“ el impulso renovador de una época ansiosa de cambios profundos.” This desire for change manifested itself in the political as well as cultural spheres and led the journal to consider the relationships between artistic expression and political commitment. Novás’ early works reveal that he dealt with this same problem, and it is the intention of this article to consider the general orientation of the Revista de Avance in regard to this conflict and to examine the evolution of Novás’ own solution as revealed in the poetry he published in that journal.

While it is true that the Chinese Communists are making a late entry into Latin America, the degree of appeal of the Peking position is indicative of two significant trends within the hemispheric Marxist movement. First, the original orthodox Communist parties have not been as aggregative as they should have been to keep up with the growth of groups committed to radical change. Second, the Chinese have provided an important facade for a Marxist approach to revolution that is fresher and less tarnished than has been provided by the older party organizations.

Political scientists have embarked upon the creation of “grand theories” of “political development” and “modernization” in the emerging nations of the world in an effort to explain the changing nature of various political systems. Applications of these theories to Latin America have been relatively recent. However, lack of sufficient scientifically verified data about Latin American social and political phenomena still exists, thus making generalized theories about political development inconclusive. This study is an attempt to provide an analysis of a national congressional election in a Latin American nation, Chile. A description of the legitimacy of Chile's changing election system and an examination of the issues and voting results of the 1965 congressional election serve as important points of entry into the complex subject of political development in one nation of Latin America.

Un pays ne saurait vivre replié sur lui-même, prisonnier de ses frontières. II doit entretenir des relations de tous ordres avec l'étranger.

Le gouverneur-empereur Dessalines en eut l'intuition. II prit en conséquence toutes les dispositions.

En premier lieu, Dessalines rassura toutes les puissances coloniales qu'Haïti s'abstiendrait de troubler la paix des colonies situées dans l'Archipel des Antilles. C'était une préaution de style pour calmer les appréhensions des nations européennes et garantir l'oeuvre d'indépendance de la Nation Haïtienne, en lui évitant toutes les mesures de coercition de la part de l'Espagne, de la France, de l'Angleterre, du Portugal et des autres puissances intéressées dans cette partie de l'hémisphère américain.

Amid the aura of urgency in which many today view hemispheric affairs, criticisms of the Organization of American States are legion. In both Latin America and the United States, there are growing numbers who believe that the only viable alternative to complete systemic collapse is a radical organizational transformation. For critics of the inter-American organization, there has been a sharp predilection to place the burden of their argument on either a cataloguing of bureaucratic ills or a polemic attack upon the problems and inconsistencies of United States involvement. And certainly various North American actions and policies have helped contribute to the present precarious position of the OAS.