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Romuald – Model Hermit: Eremitical Theory in Saint Peter Damian’s Vita Beati Romualdi, chapters 16–27
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Extract
Saint Peter Damian stands among the most important exponents of the revitalised eremitism which played so prominent a role in the religious reforms of eleventh-century Italy. Afterwards cardinal-bishop of Ostia, papal legate and doctor of the church, he was from 1043 prior of the eremitical community of Fonte Avellana, which he had first entered in 1036/7 and for whose constitutions he was so largely responsible that he can be counted virtually as its refounder. Fonte Avellana, however, owed its origins, probably in the 990s, to Saint Romuald of Ravenna. The community derived the general tenor of its spirituality from his, and it is clear that the image of the saint which Damian was able to build up impressed him deeply. The Life of the saint, which he wrote not later than 1042, was the first major work in what was to grow into his considerable corpus, and far exceeds in length any of his later hagiographical products. His image of Romuald became his own model. In the process, the image seems to have become imbued for its part with the colouration of Damian’s own concerns. The whole Life took on a shape and a structure determined not by Damian’s hard knowledge of the man but by his schematisation, his programme, of Romuald’s spiritual growth. The Life is the vehicle of a kind of argument.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Studies in Church History , Volume 22: Monks, Hermits and the Ascetic Tradition , 1985 , pp. 65 - 77
- Copyright
- Copyright © Ecclesiastical History Society 1985
References
1 The most important modern biography of Damian is Leclercq, J., Saint Pierre Damien: ermite et homme de l’église (Rome 1960). This includes a valuable assessment of the nature and usefulness of Damian’s biography of Romuald, pp. 22–36 Google Scholar. On Fonte Avellana, there is a good entry by Cacciamani, G.M., DGHE.Google Scholar
2 A summary of the research behind the dating of the work is available in Howe, [J.], [‘The Awesome Hermit: The Symbolic Significance of the Hermit as a Possible Research Perspective’ in Numen vol 30, fasc 1 (1983) n 3 pp. 115–16 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
3 See Petri Damiani Vita Beati Rotnualdi ed Tabacco, G. (Fonti per la storia d’Italia 94; Rome 1957) prol pp. 10–11 Google Scholar. [This edition will be hereafter cited as Vita Romualdi.] Tabacco’s note to this, n 5, p. 10, suggests that he believes Damian does in any case relate many miracles, a point he makes also in his preface, p. lv. Virtually none of these, however, are shrine miracles and most of them have allegorical or other symbolic significance relative to the stages in Romuald’s spiritual growth at which they are recounted.
4 Ibid p. 10.
5 The story of the vision of Saint Apollinaris himself at Sant’ Apollinare, proving his relics were there, is an example. Ibid cap 2 p. 18.
6 A detailed consideration of this issue in relation to Damian, with extensive references to other secondary works, was made by Capitani, O., ‘San Pier Damiani e l’istituto eremitico’ SSSpoleto (1965) pp. 122–63 Google Scholar. The place of eremitism in relation to coenobitism in Damian’s later thought is considered by G. Miccoli, ‘Théologie de la vie monastique chez Saint Pierre Damien (1007–1072)’ in Théologie de la vie monastique: Études sur la tradition patristique (Théologie: Études publiées sous la direction de la Faculté de Théologie Lyon-Fourvière, S.J. de vol 49: Paris 1961) pp. 459–83 Google Scholar.
7 For the Vulgate text Damian probably knew, slightly different from the more ancient texts most recently edited: Delatte, [P.], [The Rule of St. Benedict (London 1921)] cap 73 pp. 492–5 Google Scholar.
8 See especially Tabacco, G., ‘Romualdo di Ravenna e gli inizi dell’eremetismo Camaldolese’ in SSSpoleto (1965) pp. 73–121 Google Scholar.
9 Vita Romualdi pp. i-xxxiii.
10 The only significant alternative record is by Bruno of Querfurt in Vitae quinque fratrum, MGHSS vol 15 cols 709–38.
11 Franke, W., Romuald von Camaldoli und seine Reformtatigkeit zur Zeit Ottos III (Berlin 1913 Google Scholar); Ciampelli, P., Vita di san Romualdo abate, fondatore dei Camaldolesi (Ravenna 1927 Google Scholar); Pagnani, A., Vita di san Romualdo (Camaldoli 1927 Google Scholar).
12 Saward, J., Perfect Fools: Folly for Christ’s Sake in Catholic and Orthodox Spirituality (Oxford 1980) especially pp. 49–51 CrossRefGoogle Scholar: Saward considers this aspect of Romuald’s spirituality with inadequate attention to its overall character and sources. Weinstein, D. and Bell, R.M., Saints and Society: The Two Worlds of Western Christendom, 1000–1700 (Chicago and London 1982) p. 85 Google Scholar, mention the Vita Romualdi only in relation to sexual temptations (on the basis of one sentence in it); this would give a totally distorted impression to readers unfamiliar with the work. Howe has offered an interesting approach to the Vita in relation to the hermit as a socio-religious symbol, but with inadequate concern for the problems involved in dealing with such a text as a literary construct. The same weakness affects M.B. Becker, who uses dubious information from the Vita repeatedly in Medieval Italy: Constraints and Creativity (Bloomington 1981).
13 Vila Romualdi cap. 18 pp. 43–4.
14 Ibid cap 26 p. 55.
15 Ibid cap 16–17 PP 40–1. In the Evagrian translation, Vita [Beati] Antonii [Abbatis] cap 7–8, PL 73 cols 131–2.
16 Vita Romualdi cap 17 p. 41.
16 Delatte cap 2 pp. 35–55.
18 Vita Romualdi cap 18 pp. 42–5.
19 Ibid.
20 See Matthew 22: 37–40.
21 This was expressed most straightforwardly in the fourth century by Saint Basil of Caeserea. See Lawrence, C.H., Medieval Monasticism: Forms of Religious Life in Western Europe in the Middle Ages (London and New York 1984) pp. 18–9 Google Scholar. Saint Benedict was more deferential to hermits while pointing out only the dangers of their life and offering no positive encouragement for anyone to adopt it. See Delatte cap 1 pp. 27–30 (Delatte’s own comments on this are contentious but not eccentric).
22 See n 16 above.
23 This is reminiscent of a statement of Saint Gregory the Great in relation to Saint Benedict’s troubles with the murderously fractious brethren of Vicovaro: ‘sicut pravis moribus semper gravis est vita honorum’. Vogüé, A. de and Antin, P., Grégoire le Grand: Dialogues, tome 2 (SCR 260; Paris 1979) bk 2 cap 3:4 p. 142 Google Scholar. From Benedict’s departure to solitude in this same chapter (3:5-12 pp. 143–9) rather than from his own Rule Damian might have derived his belief in Benedict’s high regard for solitude.
24 Vita Antonii cap 13, col 134.
25 Ibid.
26 This is discussed at length by Leclercq, J., Otia monastica: Etudes sur le uocabulaire de la contemplation au moyen age (SA 51, Rome 1963) pp. 13–26 Google Scholar.
27 Vita Romualdi cap 4 p. 20.
28 See Delatte as in n 21 above.
29 ‘Romualdus … cepit de virtutibus in virtutes mirabiliter crescere et reliquos fratres sanete conversationis gressibus longius anteire, ut iam quicquid inter fratres sive de spiritualibus sive etiam de corporalibus ipse decerneret, cunctis volentibus, eius omnímodo sententia prevaleret.’ Vita Romualdi cap 6 p. 26.
30 See especially John 17.
31 Damian emphasises this latter aspect particularly at the end of Vita Romualdi cap 27 p. 61.
32 On the definition of sarabaites and gyrovagues see Delatte cap 1 pp. 30–4.
33 Vita Romualdi cap 24 p. 51.
34 ‘et in se et in aliis.’ See n 14 above.
35 See Matthew 21: 1–9 and 27: 27–37.
36 Vita Romualdi cap 26 p. 55.
37 See n 35 above.
38 ‘Cum his igitur omnibus superius nominatis Romualdus ad Pereum, ubi dudum habitaverat, rediit.’ Vita Romualdi cap 26 p. 55.