There is no doubt but that the President can, with the consent of two-thirds of the Senate, make treaties binding the United States and compelling the House of Representatives, under penalty of sacrificing the good faith of the United States, to make such appropriations or to pass or to refrain from passing such laws as may be necessary to carry them out. The House has objected to being thus coerced on several occasions, but constitutional lawyers have not questioned the power of the President and Senate to act.

September 28, 1939, marked the conclusion of the Soviet-German agreement on the delimitation, in line with “mutual state interests,” of the conquered Polish territories.

By her Treaty of Perpetual Alliance with Great Britain, signed in 1936, Egypt undertook to give to her Ally, in time of war and within the borders of her own territory, every facility and aid in her power. These obligations she has respected in letter and in spirit. As a result she finds herself today, while still a neutral, acting as host to large armies drawn from all the quarters of the globe. These troops are within her borders on her express or tacit invitation. To them—as allies and as allies of her ally—is extended the traditional hospitality of the land. At the same time their presence raises numerous problems. One of these is that of criminal jurisdiction. Egypt has only recently emerged victorious from a long struggle to free herself from restraints on her national sovereignty in judicial as well as in other fields.

One of the most interesting and perplexing of the Hague Regulations of the Rules of Land Warfare of 1907 is Article 56 of Section III.., In the prevailing English version the article in question reads as follows:

The treatment of civilian alien enemies, either in the national jurisdiction of a belligerent or in occupied territory, presents questions of public international law as well as of municipal law and administration. It appears that in some of the United Nations in the present war the problem of internment of such persons has become less acute as the tide of battle has turned against the Axis. In Great Britain, for example, the number of aliens of enemy nationality interned under the Royal Prerogative, and whose release had not been authorized, was only 6,123 at the beginning of 1944 as compared with 17,940 at the beginning of 1941.

Opinions differ widely as to the part which an international court of justice should play in world organization. Individuals and governments for whom

Individuals and governments for whom the pursuit of certain national or international aims which are not susceptible of immediate achievement transcends the need for law and order will be inclined to conceive the role of such a court as more restricted, more subordinate, than those who believe that, in the long run, the interests of the mightiest and most dynamic nations and the most ambitious ideals of social betterment on a world-wide scale will best be served by first securing such measure of orderly world government as is today within our reach.