We use cookies to distinguish you from other users and to provide you with a better experience on our websites. Close this message to accept cookies or find out how to manage your cookie settings.
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 March 2016
Perhaps our most learned and knowledgeable informant concerning both the heretics and their persecutors is the great inquisitor, hagiographer and Dominican historian Bernard Gui (1261–1331), who has been immortalized as the personification of evil by Umberto Eco in The Name of the Rose. In his manual for inquisitors, Gui issued the following caveat concerning the conduct of inquiries into heresy:
It is worthwhile noting that if too many questions and answers are raised, the truth is distorted and destroyed as a result of the diversity of persons and events. Rather, it is suitable not to write down all the questions and answers, but only those which touch directly on the substance and character of the event and which more closely appear to express the truth. If in one deposition too many questions and answers are found, another deposition will appear thereby diminished since too little is recorded. When so many questions and answers are written down in a trial, agreement can scarcely be found in the depositions of the witnesses, which should be both considered and avoided.
Ps 67,36 in the Vulgate, first used in Celestine Ill’s canonization bull (1191) for Peter of Tarantaise, PL 206, 869–71, appears frequently in many subsequent bulls of canonization. I would like to thank participants at the 2003 meeting of CIHEC for their valuable suggestions.
1 Gui, Bernard, Manuel de l’Inquisiteur, ed. Mollat, G. and Drioux, G., 2 vols (Paris, 1926-7), 1: 32 Google Scholar; Bruschi, Caterina, ‘“Magna diligentia est habenda per inquisitorem”: Precautions before Reading Doat 21–26’, in Bruschi, Caterina and Biller, Peter, eds, Texts and the Repression of Medieval Heresy (York, 2003), 81–110 Google Scholar. On Gui, see Schimmelpfennig, Bernhard, ‘Bernard Gui: Hagiograph und verhinderter Heiliger’, in Bauer, Dieter R. and Herbers, Klaus, eds, Hagiographie im Kontext. Wirkungsweisen und Möglichkeiten historischer Auswertung (Stuttgart, 2000), 257–65 Google Scholar; Guenée, Bernard, ‘Bernard Gui’, in idem, Entre l’Église et l’État. Quatre vies de prélats français à la fin du Moyen Âge (XIIIe-XVe siècle) (Paris, 1987), 49–85 Google Scholar; Thomas, Antoine, ‘Bernard Gui, frère prêcheur’, in Histoire littéraire de la France, 42 vols (Paris, 1865–), 35 (1921): 139–232.Google Scholar
2 The definitive essay is Dondaine, Antoine, ‘Le Manuel de l’Inquisiteur (1230–1330)’, Archivum fratrum praedicatorum 17 (1947), 85–194 Google Scholar. Gui was involved in the canonization of Thomas Aquinas and wrote a widely distributed Speculum sanctorale.
3 Bocking, Ralph, Vita et miracula S. Ricardi, in ActaSS, 3 April, I: 283: ‘rudi tamen stylo & incomposito, prout deponentium dicta testium continebant, confuse fuerunt conscripta’.Google Scholar
4 Paciocco, Roberto, ‘“Virtus morum” e “virtus signorum”. La teoria della santità nelle lettere di canonizzazione di Innocenzo III’, Nuova rivista storica 70 (1986), 597–610 Google Scholar; Petersohn, Jürgen, ‘Die Literae Papst Innocenz’ III zur Heiligspechung der Kaiserin Kunigunde (1200)’, Jahrbuch für frankische Landesforschung 37 (1977), 1–25; Die Register Innocenz’ III, ed. Hageneder, Othmar et al., 5 vols (1964-97), 1: 762.Google Scholar
5 Dossat, Yves, Les Crises de l’Inquisition toulousaine au XIIIe siècle (1233–1273) (Bordeaux, 1959), 106 Google Scholar; PL 201,1297–1300; Schneider, Fedor, ed., ‘Der Einsiedler Galgano von Chiusdino und die Anfänge von San Galgano’, Quellen und Forschungen aus italienischen Archiven und Bibliotheken 17 (1914-24), 61–77.Google Scholar
6 Kolmer, Lothar, Ad capiendas vulpes. Die Ketzerbekämpfung in Südfrankreich in der ersten Hälfte des 13. Jahrhunderts und die Ausbildung des Inquisitionsverfahrens (Bonn, 1982), 59, 109–12 Google Scholar; Dossat, , Les Crises, 111–13 Google Scholar; Naz, Raoul, ‘Inquisition’, in Dictionnaire de droit canonique, 7 vols (Paris, 1935-65), 5: 1418–26.Google Scholar
7 Thijssen, J. M. M. H., ‘Master Amalric and the Amalricians: Inquisitorial Procedure and the Suppression of Heresy at the University of Paris’, Speculum 71 (1996), 43–65 Google Scholar.
8 Paciocco, Roberto, “Sublimia negotia”: le canonizzazioni dei santi nella curia papale e il nuovo Ordine dei frati Minori (Padua, 1996)Google Scholar; Tugwell, Simon, ‘Notes on the Life of St Dominic’, Archivum fratrum praedicatomm 66 (1996), 5–100 Google Scholar, esp. 177 for the term inquisitio. See Pennington, Kenneth, The Prince and the Law, 1200–1600: Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition (Berkeley, CA, 1993), 64 Google Scholar, on how reason, oral argument and written evidence now replaced the ordeal as the foundation of adjudication.
9 Dondaine, , ‘Le Manuel’, 85–194.Google Scholar
10 Kolmer, , Ad capiendas vulpes, 113–22 Google Scholar; Patschovsky, Alexander, ‘Konrad v. Marburg’, Lexikon der Mittelalter 5 (1990), 1360–1; idem, ‘Zur Ketzerverfolgung Konrads von Marburg’, Deutsches Archiv für Erforschung des Mittelalters 37 (1981), 641–93 Google Scholar; see the Bull of Gregory IX, Ut ceci viam, 13 October 1232, in Les Registres de Grégoire IX, ed. Lucien Auvray, 4 vols (Paris, 1896–1955), 1: 548: ‘… quomodo sciunt, quo tempore, quo mense, quo die, quibus presentibus, quo loco, ad cujus invocationem, et quibus verbis interpositis, et de nominibus illorum circa quos miracula facta dicuntur, et si ante cognoscabant, et quot diebus ante viderunt eos infirmos et quanto tempore fuerunt infirmi, et de qua civitate sunt oriundi et interrogantur de omnibus circumstantiis diligenter’. For less precise inquests see the contemporary case of Odo of Tagliacozzo in ‘Documenta de B. Odone Novariensi ordinis Carthusiani’, AnBoll 1 (1882), 323–54; and Hildegard of Bingen in ‘Acta inquisitionis de virtutibus et miraculis S. Hildegardis’, AnBoll 2 (1883), 116–29. Other contemporary cases under Gregory IX concern Virgil of Salzburg, Dominic, Anthony of Padua and, of course, Francis of Assisi.
11 James of Voragine, Legenda aurea, ed. Giovanni Paolo Maggioni, 2 vols (2nd edn, Florence, 1998), 2: 1175. This comes from the 1233 miracle collection in Albert Huyskens, Quellenstudien zur Geschkhte der hl. Elisabeth, Landgräfin von Thüringen (Marburg, 1908), 155–239, n. 17. On her process see Sankt Elisabeth, Fürstin, Dienerin, Heilige. Aufsätze, Documentation, Katalog (Sigmaringen, 1981), 123–36.
12 Huyskens, , Quellenstudien, 246–7 Google Scholar. On the popularity of Elizabeth’s cult, see Werner, Matthias, ‘ Mater Hassiae—Flos Ungariae—Gloria Teutoniae. Politik und Heiligenverehrung im Nachlebcn der hl. Elisabeth von Thüringen’, in Petersohn, Jürgen, ed., Politik und Heiligenverehrung im Hochmittelalter (Sigmaringen, 1994), 449–540, esp. 455–68.Google Scholar
13 Leinweber, Josef, ‘Das kirchliche Heilsprechungsverfahren bis zum Jahre 1234. Der Kanonisationsprozess der hl. Elisabeth von Thuringen’, in Sankt Elisabeth, 128–36.Google Scholar
14 Hessisches Urkundenbuch. I. Urkundenbuch der Deutschordens-Ballei Hessen, 1207–1299, ed. Wyss, Arthur (Leipzig, 1879), 25–9, esp. 28: ‘in subsidium universalis ecclesie et hereticorum confutandam’.Google Scholar
15 Ladurie, Emmanuel Le Roy, Montaillou: Cathars and Catholics in a French Village, 1294–1324, trans. Bray, Barbara (Harmondsworth, 1980)Google Scholar.
16 Mollat, Guy, Les Papes d’Avignon (1305–1378) (10th rev. edn, Paris, 1964), 74–88 Google Scholar. The culprits included the Fraticello Conrad, the former inquisitor Jean Garland, the Breton priest Yves de Kérinou, the English Dominican Thomas Walleys and the knight Adhémar de Mosset.
17 Monuments originaux de l’histoire de Saint Yves, ed. de la Borderie, A. et al. (Saint-Brieuc, 1887).Google Scholar
18 Kaltenbrunner, F., ‘Die Briefsammlung des Berardo de Neapoli’, Mitteilungen des Instituts für österreichische Geschichtsforschung 7 (1886), 21–118, 555–635, esp. 557 Google Scholar; Lohrmann, D., ‘Caraciolo, Berardo’, in Dizionario biografico degli italiani, ed. Ghisalberti, A. et al., 54 vols (Rome, 1960-2000), 19: 313–17.Google Scholar
19 Davis, Natalie Zemon, Fiction in the Archives: Pardon Tales and their Tellers in Sixteenth-Century France (Stanford, CA, 1987)Google Scholar, argues in favour of the conscientiousness of the notaries. On the other hand, Given, James B., Inquisition and Medieval Society: Power, Discipline and Resistance in Medieval Languedoc (Ithaca, NY, 1997), 144–7 Google Scholar, provides examples of venal notaries in the service of the Inquisition.
20 Foote, David, ‘How the Past Becomes a Rumor: the Notarization of Historical Consciousness in Medieval Orvieto’, Speculum 75 (2000), 794–815 CrossRefGoogle Scholar on the civic role of the professional notaries. Notaries are given an especially central role in the case of Thomas Aquinas. See ActaSS, 7 March, I: 686; Thomae Aquinatis vitae et fontes praecipue, ed. A. Ferrua (Alba, 1968), 204.
21 See e.g. Rosaldo, Renato, ‘From the Door of his Tent: the Fieldworker and the Inquisitor’, in Clifford, James and Marcus, George E., eds, Writing Culture. The Poetics and Politics of Ethnography (Berkeley, CA, 1986), 77–97 Google Scholar. Further criticism of the willingness to read inquisitorial documents uncritically is found in Natalie Zemon Davis, ‘Les Conteurs de Montaillou (note critique)’, Annales: Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations [hereafter: Annales] 34 (1979), 61–73.
22 See, e.g., Biddick, Kathleen, ‘The Devil’s Anal Eye: Inquisitorial Optics and Ethnographic Authority’, in eadem, The Shock of Medievalism (Durham, NC, 1998), 105–34.Google Scholar
23 Arnold, John H., Inquisition and Power: Catharism and the Confessing Subject in Medieval Languedoc (Philadelphia, PA, 2001)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Given, , Inquisition and Medieval Society; Pegg, Mark Gregory, The Corruption of Angels: the Great Inquisition of 1245–1246 (Princeton, NJ, 2001).Google Scholar
24 Kadlubek, Vincent, Vita majora S. Stanislai, ed. Ketrzynski, Wojciech, in Monumenta poloniae historica, 6 vols (Warsaw, 1960-1), 4: 319–438, esp. 434–5; Bullarium franciscanum romanorum pontificum, ed. Sbaralea, Johannes Hyacinthus, 3 vols (Rome, 1759-65), 1: 610 Google Scholar (26 May 1252: letter of Innocent IV to James of Velletri).
25 Wakefield, Walter, ‘Inquisitorial Assistants. Witnesses of Confessions in Manuscript 609’, Heresis 20 (1993), 58–69 Google Scholar; Pegg, Mark Gregory, ‘Questions about Questions; Toulouse 609 and the Great Inquisition of 1245–6’, in Bruschi and Biller, eds, Texts and the Repression of Medieval Heresy, 111–25 Google Scholar; Merlo, Grado G., Eretici e inquisitori nella società piemontese del Trecento (Turin, 1977), 11–15 Google Scholar. Some problems are discussed in Marchal, Guy P., ‘De la Mémoire communicative à la mémoire culturelle. Le passé dans les témoignages d’Arezzo et de Sienne (1177–1180)’, Annales 56 (2001), 563–89 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Paul, Jacques, ‘Expression et perception du temps d’après l’enquête des miracles de Louis d’Anjou’, in Temps, mémoire, tradition au Moyen-Age (Aix-en-Provence, 1983), 19–41.Google Scholar
26 See Oxford, Exeter College, MS 158, for the summary record of Thomas’s miracles recorded at Hereford cathedral beginning in 1286.
27 Loftus, Elizabeth F. and Doyle, James M., Eyewitness Testimony: Civil and Criminal (2nd edn, Charlottesville, VA, 1992), 74.Google Scholar
28 Processus canonizationis et legendae variae Sancti Ludovici O.F.M., episcopi Tolosani, ed. Benvenutus Bughetti, Analecta franciscana 7 (1951), 164, 181, 184, 200.
29 Bruschi, ‘“Magna diligentia est habenda” ‘, 83–4.
30 Krötzl, Christian, ‘Zu Übersetzung und Sprachbeherrschung im Spätmittelalter am Beispiel von Kanonisationsprozessen’, Das Mittelalter 2 (1997), 111–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
31 Inquisitio super vita, conversatione et miraculis beatae Margarethae virginis, ed. William Fraknoì, in Monumenta romana episcopatus Vesprimiensis, 4 vols (Budapest, 1896–1907), 1: 163–384, esp. 181, 200, 232, 246, 274, 275, 301, 315, 317, 322, 325, 331, 353, 367, 371, 375.
32 Patlagean, Evelyne, ‘Ancienne hagiographie byzantine et histoire sociale’, Annales 23 (1968), 106–26.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
33 Assion, Peter, ‘Die mittelalterliche Mirakel-Literatur als Forschungsgegenstand’, Archiv für Kulturgescichte 50 (1968), 172–80.Google Scholar
34 Sot, Michael, ‘Le Miracle et le temps d’histoire (haut Moyen Age occidental)’, in Aigle, Denise, ed., Miracle et Karama. Hagiographies médiévales comparées (Turnhout, 2000), 197–216.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
35 Inquisitio, ed. Fraknoí, 1: 325–31.
36 Muir, Edward, ‘Observing Trifles’, in Muir, Edward and Ruggiero, Guido, eds, Mkrohistory and the Lost Peoples of Europe, trans. Branch, Eren (Baltimore, PA, 1991), xvi Google Scholar. This volume contains a selection of articles from the Quaderni storici written by micro-historians.
37 Simon of Trebnitz, Vita majora Hedwigis, ed. A. Bielowski, in Monumenta poloniae historica, 4: 510–633, esp. 621; Ralph Bocking, Vita Ricardi ep. Cicestrensis, in ActaSS, 3 April, I: 283–317; Saint Richard of Chichester. The Sources for his Life, ed. David Jones, Sussex Record Society 79 (Lewes, 1993). As their authors admit, such biographies closely follow the testimony elicited at the canonization trial, with the addition of the rhetorical and narrative conventions of contemporary hagiography; including citations of Scripture and literary models as Gregory of Tours, Sulpicius Severus and the Vitae patrum.
38 Goodich, Michael, ‘The Use of Direct Quotation from Canonization Hearing to Hagiographical Vita et Miracula ’, in Jaritz, Gerhard and Richter, Michael, eds, Oral History of the Middle Ages: the Spoken Word in Context (Budapest, 2002), 47–57.Google Scholar
39 Krötzl, Christian, Pilger, Mirakel und Alltag. Formen des Verhaltens im skandinavischen Mittelalter (12.-15. Jahrhundert) (Helsinki, 1994)Google Scholar; Schmitt, Jean-Claude, The Holy Greyhound: Guinefort, Healer of Children since the Thirteenth Century, trans. Thom, Martin (Cambridge, 1983)Google Scholar; Sigal, Pierre-André, L’Homme et le miracle dans la France médiévale (XIe-XIIe siècle) (Paris, 1985)Google Scholar; idem, ‘Maladie, pèlerinage, et guérison au XIIe siècle. Les miracles de Saint Gibrien à Reims’, Annales 24 (1969), 1522–39; Golinelli, Paolo, Città e culto del medioevo italiano (Bologna, 1991)Google Scholar; Andrié, Stanko, The Miracles of St John Capistran (Budapest, 2000).Google Scholar
40 Levi, Giovanni, ‘On Microhistory’, in Burke, Peter, ed., New Perspectives on Historical Writing (Cambridge, 1991), 92–113 Google Scholar; see also Ginzburg, Carlo, The Cheese and the Worms, transl. John, and Tedeschi, Anne (London, 1980)Google Scholar; Davis, Natalie Zemon, Women on the Margins: Three Seventeenth-Century Lives (Cambridge, MA, 1995)Google Scholar; Revel, Jacques, ‘Micro-analyse et construction du social’, in Revel, Jacques, ed., Jeux d’échelles. La micro-analyse à l’expérience (Paris, 1996), 15–36.Google Scholar
41 Farmer, Sharon, Surviving Poverty in Medieval Paris: Gender, Ideology, and Daily Lives of the Poor (Ithaca, NY, 2002).Google Scholar
42 Bartlett, Robert, The Hanged Man. A Story of Miracle, Memory and Colonialism in the Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ, 2004)Google Scholar; Finucane, Ronald, The Rescue of the Innocents: Endangered Children in Medieval Miracles (New York, 1997).Google Scholar
43 Smoller, Laura, ‘Miracle, Memory, and Meaning in the Canonization of Vincent Ferrer, 1453–54’, Speculum 73 (1998), 429–54 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; eadem, ‘Defining the Boundaries of the Natural in the Fifteenth Century: the Inquest into the Miracles of St Vincent Ferrer (d. 1419)’, Viator 28 (1997), 333–59.
44 The theme of ‘Elite and Popular Religion’ has been chosen as the topic for the Ecclesiastical History Society Conference, 2004, by the President, Prof. Eamon Duffy, and will be the subject of SCH 42.
45 Dafni, Amots, ‘Why are Rags tied to the Sacred Trees of the Holy Land?’, Economic Botany 56 (2002), 315–27.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
46 As William of Auvergne (De fide, ch. 3) said, ‘Prophetis et apostolis non est creditum in articulis fidei nisi miraculorum testimoniis; unde rebelles et increduli, qui sermonibus sanctorum virorum credere non volebant, miraculis inducebantur et usque hodie inducuntur ad fidem’, cited in Albert Lang, Die Wege der Glaubensbegründung bei den Scholastikern des 14. Jahrhunderts (Münster, 1930), 6, n. 3. Engelbert of Admont, Tractatus de gratiis et virtutihus beatae virginis Mariae, in Stift Admont, Admont MS 181, fol. 72V, notes that the role of contemporary saints is to perform miracles in order to rekindle the faith which has grown cold, frighten evil persons and comfort the good. I would like to thank the Hill Monastic Manuscript Library for allowing me access to their copy of this manuscript. For some cases of doubt, see Gábor Klaniczay, ‘Miracoli di punizione e maleficia’, in Sofia Boesch Gajano and Marilena Modica, eds, Miracoli: dai segni alla storia (Rome, 1999), 109–35, for cases taken from the contemporary case of Margaret of Hungary.
47 Moore, R. I., The Formation of a Persecuting Society: Power and Deviance in Western Europe, 950–1250 (Oxford, 1987).Google Scholar
48 Vita beati Petri de Luxemburgo, in BN, MS Paris, lat. 5379, fol. 17r ‘Non credens quod per eum deus operatur miraculose immo tenens firmiter quod esset quaedam fictio adinventa ad populum alliciendum maxime propter scismatis factum …’. This quotation is based on the canonization hearing. See also ActaSS, 2 July, I: 582C Other cases of doubt are reported here.
49 See the summary in see Processus supra vita et miraculis domini Philippi archiepiscopi Biturcensis, BN, MS Paris, lat. 5373A, fol. 3r.
50 Vita et miracula Cunegundis, in ActaSS, 3 March, I: 278.
51 Thomas Aquinas’s polemical battles with Jews, Averroists, William of St Amour, Siger of Brabant, the Fraticelli, Brethren of the Free Spirit and Greek schismatics are emphasized in the Vita by Willam of Tocco, in ActaSS, 7 March, I: 663–6. One of the witnesses at the canonization hearing of Thomas of Hereford said of Thomas: ‘videns quod iudei multa mala perpetrabant in regno Anglia procuravit cum rege quod praedicaretur eis et quod illi qui nollent converti exirent regnum Anglie …’ (BAV, MS Vat. lat. 4015, fol. 104r; see also fol. 88r). Richard of Chichester, Angelo of Trapani and Raymund of Penyafort also actively converted the Jews.
52 Merlo, Grado, ‘Pietro di Verona – S. Pietro martire. Difficoltà e proposte per lo studio di un inquisitore beatificato’, in Boesch-Gajano, Sofia and Sebastiani, Lucia, eds, Culto dei santi: istituzioni e classi sociali in età preindustriale (L’Aquila, 1984), 417–88, 480 Google Scholar, taken from a 1395 trial of heretics in Piedmont.
53 ActaSS, 29 April, III: 702B. For the miracle of a Cathar who drew his sword before a fresco illustrating the assassination of Peter Martyr, turned mute, and converted, see Stift Admont, Admont MS 781, fol. 90r; for the skeptic in Louis of Toulouse’s 1317 canonization, see Bullarium romanum, IV: 145–8; for Thomas, ibid., IV: 186–90.
54 Goodich, Michael, ‘Die wundersame Gefangenenbefreiung im mittelalterlichen Kanonisationsdocumente’, in Bauer and Herbers, eds, Hagiographie im Kontext, 69–84.Google Scholar
55 Ziegler, Joseph, ‘Practitioners and Saints: Medical Men in Canonisation Processes in the Thirteenth to Fifteenth Centuries’, Social History of Medicine 12 (1999), 191–225 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
56 See for example Ross, J. H. and Jancey, Meryl, ‘The Miracles of Thomas of Hereford’, British Medical Journal 295 (19–26 December 1989), 1590–4 Google Scholar; Goodich, Michael, ‘Filiation and Form in the Late Medieval Miracle Story’, Hagiographica 3 (1996), 1–18 Google Scholar; Jolles, André, Einfache Formen (Halle, 1930), 23–8 Google Scholar; Moore, R. I., ‘Between Sanctity and Superstition: Saints and their Miracles in the Age of Revolution’, in Rubin, Miri, ed., The Work of Jacques Le Goff and the Challenges of Medieval History (Woodbridge, 1997), 55–67 Google Scholar, provides a simple structure to the miracle: (1) a cure is sought; (2) the circumstances are established; (3) conditions for a cure are stated; (4) a blessing is pronounced; and (5) a miracle is proclaimed.
57 Bartlett, The Hanged Man; Michael Richter, Sprach und Gesellschaft in Mittelalter. Untersuchungen zum miindlichen Kommunikation in England von der Mitte des elften bis zum Beginn des vierzehnten Jahrhunderts (Stuttgart, 1979), 171–217; idem, ‘Walser und Wündermänner um 1300’, in Susanna Burghartz et al., eds, Spannungen und Widersprüche: Gedenkschrift für František Graus (Sigmaringen, 1992), 23–36; idem, ‘William ap Rees, William de Braose and the Lordship of Gower, 1289 and 1307’, Studia celtica 32 (1998), 189–200; Finucane, Rescue of the Innocents; idem, Miracles and Pilgrims: Popular Beliefs in Medieval England (2nd edn, Basingstoke, 1995); Michael Goodich, ‘Foreigner, Foe and Neighbor: the Religious Cult as a Forum for Political Reconciliation’, in Albrecht Classen, ed., Meeting the Foreign in the Middle Ages (New York, 2002), 11–26; idem, ‘Liturgy and the Foundation of Cults in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Century’, in Yitzhak Hen, ed., De Sion exibit lex et verbum domini de Hierusalem. Essays on Medieval Law, Liturgy and Literature in Honour of Amnon Linder (Turnhout, 2001), 145–57; André Vauchez, Sainthood in the Later Middle Ages, transl. Jean Birrell (Cambridge, 1997), passim.
58 Carolus-Barré, Louis, ‘Consultation du cardinal Pietro Colonna sur le IIe miracle de Saint Louis’, Bibliothèque de l’Ecole des chartes 117 (1959), 57–72 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Miracula S. Stanislai, ed. Zbigniew Perzanowski, in Analecta Cracoviensia 11 (1979), 68–141.
59 Finucane, Ronald, ‘Authorizing the Supernatural: a Curialist’s Analysis of Some English Miracles around 1318’, unpublished paper presented at International Medieval Congress, University of Leeds, 14–17 July 2003.Google Scholar
60 On Philip, see Bibliotheca sanctorum, 12 vols (Rome, 1980), 3: 87–8; A. Baudrillart, ed., Dictionnaire d’histoire et de géographie ecclésiastiques, 27 vols (Paris, 1912–99), 8: 92–8; for the canonization inquest see Processus supra vita et miraculis domini Philippi archiepiscopi Biturcensis, in BN, MS Paris, lat. 5373A, fols. iv-6iv; BAV, MS Vat. lat. 4019. The commissioners were Peter de Minci, bishop of Chartres, Robert de Marzy, bishop of Nevers, and the Dominican prior of Paris with the assistance of the Dominican prior of Bourges.
61 Rome, Biblioteca Angelica, MS 157 (B.6.10), fols 93V-95V for his sermons. I would like to thank both the Biblioteca Angelica and the Institut de Recherche et d’Histoire des Textes for their assistance. This stress on virtues rather than miracles by preachers is clear in the over sixty sermons concerning Clare of Assisi examined in Marina Soriani Innocenti, ‘I sermoni latini in onore di Santa Chiara’, in Chiara di Assisi. Atti del XX Convegno internazionale, Assisi, 15–17 Ottobre 1992, Società Internazionale di Studi Francescani, ns 3 (Spoleto, 1993), 357–80.
62 John of Salerno, Vita Odonis, in PL 133, 49.
63 This was the occasion for the production of the Vatican ms., which is a copy of the original, including an account of its treatment by Rome.
64 See n. 11 for the list of questions in Elizabeth’s case. For Philip’s questions, see BAV, MS Vat. lat. 4019, fol. 9r-v: Testos legitimos quos super vita conversationem et miraculis recolende memorie Philippi bituricensis archiepiscopi recipere prius ab eis prestito iuramento diligenter examinare curetis et de omnibus que dixerint interrogetis eosdem quomodo sciunt quo tempore quo mense quo die quibus presentibus quo loco ad cuius invocationem et quibus verbis interpositis et [de] nominibus illorum circa quos miracula facta dicuntur et si ante cognoscebant et quot diebus ante viderunt eos infirmos et quanto tempore fuerunt infirmi et quanto tempore visi sunt sani et de quo loco sint oriundi et interrogetis de omnibus circumstanciis et circa singula capitula …’. The questions posed by Innocent V in the 1276 case of Margaret of Hungary are identical. See Inquisitio, ed. Fraknoì, 1: 161–2.
65 Christian Krotzl, ‘Miracles au tombeau – miracles à distance: approches typologiques’, in Aigle, ed., Miracle et Karama, 557–76, notes the greater frequency of miracles far from the shrine in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries. This parallels the substantial rise of miracles which occur in the presence of movable altarpieces, particularly in Italy.
66 BAV, MS Vat. lat. 4019, 56V-63V; BN, MS Paris, lat. 5373A, Processus supra vita et miraculis domini Philippi archiepiscopi Biturcensis, fols 16r-19r; Vita sancti Philippi archiepiscopi Biturcensis, in Edmond Martène and Ursin Durand, eds, Thesaurus novus anecdotorum, 5 vols (Paris, 1717–26), 3: 1927–46, here 1942–3, ‘xii: De alienatis a sensu, intellectu, memoria et loquela liberatis’.
67 Ortroy, Franciscus van, ed., ‘Procès-verbal du dernier consistoire secret préparatoire à la canonisation de Pierre Célestin’, AnBoll 16 (1897), 475–87.Google Scholar
68 Ginzburg, Carlo, ‘Morelli, Freud and Sherlock Holmes: Clues and Scientific Method’, History Workshop 9 (1980), 5–36, 15–16.Google Scholar
