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5 - The Poetry of Geography: The Ansichten der Natur in English Translation
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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Summary
In 1849, the year Humboldt turned eighty, a considerably updated edition of his essay collection, the Ansichten der Natur, came out with Cotta in Stuttgart. Initially published in 1808, then in a second edition in 1826, it was now appearing in its third and final version. One of the earliest pieces he had written on his return from the Americas, it gained in length as he successively added material of scientific interest and with aesthetic appeal that sustained the hybrid character of his prose. The first edition had comprised just three short texts: ‘Über die Steppen und Wüsten’ [On Steppes and Deserts], ‘Über die Wasserfälle des Orinoco’ [On the Cataracts of the Orinoco] and ‘Ideen zu einer Physiognomik der Gewächse’ [Ideas for a Physiognomy of Plants]. Twenty years later, the collection had been extended to include an essay on volcanoes and on ‘Die Lebenskraft oder das rhodische Genius’ [The Vital Force or the Rhodian Genius]. The final, two-volume third edition, covering almost 800 pages in the German original, also included a couple of new pieces, ‘Das Hochland von Caxamarca, der alten Residenzstadt des Inka Atahualpa’ [The Plateau of Caxamarca, the ancient capital of the Inca Atahuallpa] and ‘Das nächtliche Tierleben im Urwalde’ [The Nocturnal Life of Animals in Primeval Forests]. While the shifting character of the Ansichten der Natur charted Humboldt's development as a natural his¬torian and writer over more than forty years, these editions also reflected the political climate of their time. The Foreword to the 1808 edition deliberately spoke to ‘minds oppressed with care’ (AdN 8), gesturing to the Prussian defeat of 1806. Revolutionaries were stoning the building in which Humboldt was writing as he updated the third edition in 1848 (Humboldt 1908: 299).
Unlike their French counterparts, English publishers had seen no value in translating the first two editions. However, the preparation of a third German edition in 1849 galvanised Longman and associates, working in collaboration with John Murray III, and their rival Bohn into action. The translation by Elizabeth Sabine, titled Aspects of Nature, in Different Lands and Different Climates, appeared in autumn 1849 with Longman and Murray.
Introduction
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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Summary
‘All the while I am writing now my head is running about the Tropics,’ wrote Charles Darwin to his sister Caroline from his student rooms in Cambridge in April 1831. ‘I go and gaze at Palm trees in the hot-house and come home and read Humboldt: my enthusiasm is so great that I cannot hardly sit still on my chair.’ Early the next year, Darwin sailed into the harbour of Santa Cruz aboard the Beagle, picturing to himself ‘all the delights of fresh fruit growing in beautiful valleys, & reading Humboldt's descriptions of the Island's glorious views’. Shaping the young Darwin's scientific imagination was the work of the Prussian scientist and explorer Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), whose bold new vision of the natural world understood the forces of nature as a series of dynamic, interconnected systems. Humboldt was not interested in collecting isolated facts but in representing nature ‘as one great whole, moved and animated by internal forces’ (CO I, ix). Not only did his narratives revolutionise how people thought about their world. Their accompanying illustrations also brought scientific findings into visual dialogue with each other in ways that continue to inform our understanding of ecosystems today. Humboldt's account of his voyage to the Americas with the French botanist Aimé Bonpland between 1799 and 1804 inspired many others besides Darwin. The poet Robert Southey considered Humboldt so eminent that he was ‘among travellers what Wordsworth is among poets’ (Southey 1965: II, 231). To fellow scientists like the British botanist Joseph Dalton Hooker, Humboldt was, quite simply, a ‘God’ (Hooker 1918: II, 127).
But what had fascinated the young Darwin was not the rich prose of Humboldt's travel account in its French original, the Relation historique du voyage aux régions équinoxiales du nouveau continent (1814–25). It was that of the English translation, the Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent (1814–29). The ‘glorious views’ of Santa Cruz were therefore not entirely of Humboldt's making. They were also indebted to the linguistic creativity of this work's trans¬lator, the sentimental poet and radical writer Helen Maria Williams. The role played by translators– particularly women– in the develop¬ment of science still remains a neglected field of study.
1 - Styling Science
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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‘The mad fancy has seized me’, wrote Humboldt to the German diplomat Karl Varnhagen von Ense in autumn 1834, ‘of representing in a single work the whole material world’ (Humboldt 1860: 15). It would contain
all that is known to us of the phenomena of heavenly space and terrestrial life, from the nebulæ of the stars to the geographical distribution of mosses on granite rocks, and this in a work in which a lively style shall at once interest and charm. (Humboldt 1860: 15–16)
Humboldt's final, magisterial, work, Kosmos, was arguably the greatest holistic narrative of the natural world to be written in the nineteenth century. It was not just its content that was so ambitiously all-embracing. By employing a ‘lively’ style, Humboldt deliberately aimed his work at scientific specialists and general readers alike. Knowledge, he recog¬nised, could never be divorced from the techniques of its presentation. Yet even for an experienced author like Humboldt, writing a work such as Kosmos was fraught with difficulty. ‘The besetting sins of my style are’, he confessed to Varnhagen von Ense, ‘an unfortunate propensity to poetical expressions, a long participial construction, and too great concentration of various opinions and sentiments in the same sentence’; these were evils, he reflected, that only a strict agenda of simplicity could remedy (Humboldt 1860: 19).
Like Humboldt, Darwin was obsessed with style. ‘Some are born with a power of good writing,’ he wrote to the entomologist Henry Walter Bates in December 1861. ‘Others like myself’, he continued:
have to labour very hard and slowly at every sentence. I find it a very good plan, when I cannot get a difficult discussion to please me, to fancy that some one [sic] comes into the room and asks me what I am doing; and then try at once and explain to the imaginary person what it is all about. I have done this for one paragraph to myself several times, and sometimes to Mrs. Darwin, till I see how the subject ought to go. […] But style to me is a great difficulty.
Darwin's concern to be direct and clear underpinned the conviction that language should facilitate the communication of scientific ideas, making them comprehensible to a range of different audiences.
3 - ‘A Colossal Literary and Scientific Task’: Helen Maria Williams and the Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent (1814–1829)
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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In 1814 translations of two further works by Humboldt went on sale in Britain. One was the English edition of the Vues des Cordillères et monumens des peuples indigènes de l’Amérique, entitled the Researches Concerning the Institutions and Monuments of the Ancient Inhabitants of America. The other comprised volumes one and two of the Personal Narrative of Travels to the Equinoctial Regions of the New Continent during the Years 1799–1804, which was gradually appearing on French booksellers’ shelves as the Relation historique du voyage aux régions équinoxiales du Nouveau Continent. Translated by Helen Maria Williams (1761–1827), both pieces corresponded to the seventh and eighth works that Humboldt had planned to publish in collaboration with Bonpland, deriving from their journey to the Americas between 1799 and 1804. The Researches comprised chapters giving visual and textual descriptions of Mexican and Peruvian antiquities– architecture, sculpture, historical paintings and hieroglyphics– interspersed with picturesque scenes of the Andean cordilleras. The Personal Narrative, which would eventually span seven volumes, described Humboldt and Bonpland's journey across the mountains, plains and tropical rainforests of Venezuela, down the river systems of South America (notably the Orinoco), to the Catholic missions of Spanish America and the sugar haciendas of Cuba. While the two-volume Researches was relatively compact, the illustrations having been pared down from sixty-nine to nineteen plates, the Personal Narrative ranged across almost 2,000 quarto pages in the French original and over 3,900 in the seven-volume octavo English translation. A pivotal work in Humboldt's oeuvre, the Personal Narrative was as much the embodiment of Humboldt's struggle to combine aesthetic and scientific representation in an all-encompassing travelogue as it was a testament to the staying power of his translator.
By 1814 British critics were already showing signs of fatigue. ‘It may be doubted whether the method of publication adopted by M. de Humboldt is that in which either his interest or his reputation has best been consulted,’ declared John Barrow, Fellow of the Royal Society and author of travelogues on China and South Africa, in the Quarterly Review. While many reviewers (including Barrow) readily paid homage, in reviews routinely thirty pages long, to Humboldt's international repu¬tation as a scientific traveller, they were equally quick to criticise what they perceived as his poorly managed material, the dryness of the scien-tific sections and the crippling slowness with which the seven-volume Personal Narrative started to appear.
Conclusions
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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Today, Humboldt's works have sloughed off their Victorian skins to emerge on to the Anglophone market in sleek, fresh translations. Lavishly illustrated and carrying a wealth of annotations, these acclaimed critical editions emphasise the centrality of Humboldt's writing to the cosmopolitan thought, global interconnections and environmental anxieties that shape our world. The new translations are visually enticing works that conform sufficiently in their dustjacket design to have the look of a series. Bohn would have approved. The misgivings he might hold about their price could be assuaged by reflecting that their target audience is now a scholarly market, and the reviewers’ comments on the dustjackets derive almost exclusively from an academic elite. Yet room has always been found in each of these weighty editions for a Translator's Note. Fundamental to the translation itself, it draws critical attention to the essential mediating role in these truly modern renderings of Humboldt's work. It also confronts us directly with the complicated business of transforming one series of ideas and images into a different language and culture, and, as twenty-first-century readers, into a different time.
These modern translators bemoan Humboldt's ‘massive, knotty, chewy subclauses’, his repeated over-layering of information and the elevated, formal character of his language (Humboldt 2014: 5). Yet they convince us that putting his works into clear and fluent English has demanded significant linguistic agility. They have risen admirably to this challenge. Tacitly, though, they testify still more persuasively to the extraordinary achievements of their nineteenth-century counterparts. Quite apart from the fact that today's translators can hone their word-processed documents with ease, use spell-checkers to avoid typing errors and make quick text searches to ensure continuity, they can also consult electronic dictionaries and thesauri at the touch of a button, call up search engines to hunt down rare terminology and leaf virtually through the latest scientific periodicals. The working environment for Humboldt's first translators was radically different. We can only stand in awe of those who wrote every single word long-hand with pen and ink before a translation went for typesetting, doubtless working late into the evening in dimly lit rooms as they met increasingly punishing deadlines.
Nature Translated
- Alexander von Humboldt's Works in Nineteenth-Century Britain
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This book shows how Alexander von Humboldt's British translators, now largely forgotten figures, were pivotal in moulding his prose and his public persona as they reconfigured his works for readers in Britain and beyond.
Index
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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4 - ‘A Plain and Unassuming Style’: Thomasina Ross and Humboldt’s Travels (1852–1853)
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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In 1852 and 1853 a new title appeared in the London publisher Henry Bohn's ‘Scientific Library’ series. Bound in smart red cloth with ‘Humboldt's Travels’ in gilt letters on the spine, this second English translation of Humboldt's Relation historique to come out on the British book market was the work of Thomasina Muir Ross (1796?–1875). By condensing Humboldt's travel narrative into three 500-page volumes, where Williams's translation had straddled seven tomes and nearly 4,000 pages, Ross provided mid-century readers with a version of Humboldt's voyage to the Americas that was less daunting in size and more agreeable on the pocket. Affordably priced at five shillings a volume– since Bohn had dispensed with maps and illustrations– and with an index for easy reference purposes, this more modern translation swiftly won critical approval. The Athenæum considered the translation well executed and Ross's editorial additions pertaining to ‘the modern political and moral conditions of equinoctial America’ essential in increasing the value of the work.
It was not just the supplementary material that drew the critics’ atten¬tion. The extensive omissions required to slim the Relation historique down to three volumes– the same format as the immensely popular nineteenth-century ‘three-decker novel’– were deemed a great improve¬ment. As the Examiner noted, ‘we observe some judicious curtailment of statistical and political details which have quite lost any supposed importance they may have had when the narrative was published origi¬nally’. Putting it more bluntly, the critic in the Daily News applauded Ross's omission of those passages in Humboldt's account that recent political changes in South America had made ‘obsolete, and– to the general reader,– useless’.
Restoring relevance to the Relation historique almost half a century after Humboldt's return from the Americas, and some thirty years after the publication of the French original, was fraught with difficulty. Vivid descriptions of tropical exuberance would always make for inspiring reading, but the collapse in 1808 of monarchical power in Spain had initiated movements towards independence across South America that made Humboldt's account of colonial occupation decidedly passé. Science too had moved on.
List of Figures
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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Acknowledgements
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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Frontmatter
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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Contents
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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6 - Cosmos: The Universe Translated
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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‘We all know that it has become fashionable to talk of Cosmos. Not to have read it is to be a boor,’ declared a reviewer for the Literary Gazette in March 1849. But as this critic also recognised, Humboldt's Cosmos could hardly be referred to in the singular ‘it’. Three different, competing, translations of the opening volumes of Humboldt's Kosmos: Entwurf einer physischen Weltbeschreibung were now out on the British book market, and their appearance heralded the start of a publishing war that would last the best part of a decade. The first volume of ΚΟΣΜΟΣ: A General Survey of the Physical Phenomena of the Universe, translated by the Bristol eye-surgeon Augustin Prichard, had already appeared in 1845 with the Regent Street publisher Hippolyte Baillière. The second volume came out in 1848 and corresponded to the second part of the German original, which had itself reached booksellers’ shelves in autumn the previous year. Just behind Baillière in the race to publish Cosmos were Longman and associates and Murray, who had brought out their first volume of Cosmos: Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe in 1846 and the second in 1848, both translated under Edward Sabine's superintendence, but primarily the work of his wife Elizabeth. Although these two different editions occupied the market concurrently, the real threat came from the translation made by Otté for Bohn's ‘Scientific Library’ series, similarly titled Cosmos: A Sketch of a Physical Description of the Universe, which entered on to the market in 1849.
The reviewer for the Literary Gazette marshalled an extract from Kosmos and its three English translations into four columns covering two full pages of the journal (Figure 6.1). Readers were explicitly invited to compare the different versions, identify their stylistic and linguistic vari¬ations and judge which best rendered Humboldt's original German. As Bohn and his rivals Longman and Murray jostled for a greater market share in the work, each laid claim to providing the most authoritative, comprehensive and accurate translation. In the Translator's Preface to the first volume of the Bohn edition, Otté asserted that her version was superior to that of the Sabines by dint of it being a full account of the original: ‘I have not conceived myself justified in omitting passages, sometimes amounting to pages, simply because they might be deemed slightly obnoxious to our national prejudices’ (CO I, viii).
2 - Dispute and Dissociation: John Black’s Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain (1811)
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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In 1811 the first of Humboldt's major works appeared in English translation. An account of the population, climate, industry and agri¬culture of Mexico, the Essai politique sur le royaume de la Nouvelle- Espagne (1808–11), translated by the young Scottish journalist John Black (1783–1855) as the Political Essay on the Kingdom of New Spain, attracted immediate interest in Britain. It gave important new insights into mining, manufacturing, defence and revenue in the Spanish colonies. Hailed by the New Universal Magazine as ‘the most laud¬able travels ever undertaken by individuals for the progress of science’, Black's translation of the Essai politique was declared by the Critical Review to throw ‘more light on the state of New Spain than any which has been hitherto published’, and offer a store of useful information to the ‘philosopher, the merchant and the statesman’ alike. The appear¬ance of the Political Essay in Britain was timely. In September 1810, the liberal priest and revolutionary Miguel Hidalgo y Costilla had declared Mexico's independence from the Spanish crown. The Peninsular War, which Spain had been waging against France from 1808 following Joseph Bonaparte's seizure of the Spanish throne, made the volatile future of Spain and its colonies a subject closely followed in the British press. And the fact that the Essai politique was by Humboldt heightened its market appeal: ‘The attraction excited by the subject receives also much addition from the name of a traveller, who adds to the activity of an inquisitive mind the stores of extensive erudition,’ enthused the Monthly Review.
But if British critics were fascinated by the author of the Political Essay, they were less enthusiastic about its translator. The Literary Panorama remarked sourly that ‘his labour could have been more honourable to his abilities had he carefully re-inspected it, before it was committed to the press’. It was not just the text that bore signs of haste. The plates annexed to the Political Essay had been so hurriedly printed that ‘those who have seen the originals will bestow but moderate com¬mendation on these translations’, continued the Literary Panorama, making ‘translation’ synonymous with the derivative and the second-rate.
List of Abbreviations
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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Bibliography
- Alison E. Martin, Johannes Gutenberg Universität Mainz, Germany
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Personality Polygenes, Positive Affect, and Life Satisfaction
- Alexander Weiss, Bart M. L. Baselmans, Edith Hofer, Jingyun Yang, Aysu Okbay, Penelope A. Lind, Mike B. Miller, Ilja M. Nolte, Wei Zhao, Saskia P. Hagenaars, Jouke-Jan Hottenga, Lindsay K. Matteson, Harold Snieder, Jessica D. Faul, Catharina A. Hartman, Patricia A. Boyle, Henning Tiemeier, Miriam A. Mosing, Alison Pattie, Gail Davies, David C. Liewald, Reinhold Schmidt, Philip L. De Jager, Andrew C. Heath, Markus Jokela, John M. Starr, Albertine J. Oldehinkel, Magnus Johannesson, David Cesarini, Albert Hofman, Sarah E. Harris, Jennifer A. Smith, Liisa Keltikangas-Järvinen, Laura Pulkki-Råback, Helena Schmidt, Jacqui Smith, William G. Iacono, Matt McGue, David A. Bennett, Nancy L. Pedersen, Patrik K. E. Magnusson, Ian J. Deary, Nicholas G. Martin, Dorret I. Boomsma, Meike Bartels, Michelle Luciano
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- Twin Research and Human Genetics / Volume 19 / Issue 5 / October 2016
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- 22 August 2016, pp. 407-417
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Approximately half of the variation in wellbeing measures overlaps with variation in personality traits. Studies of non-human primate pedigrees and human twins suggest that this is due to common genetic influences. We tested whether personality polygenic scores for the NEO Five-Factor Inventory (NEO-FFI) domains and for item response theory (IRT) derived extraversion and neuroticism scores predict variance in wellbeing measures. Polygenic scores were based on published genome-wide association (GWA) results in over 17,000 individuals for the NEO-FFI and in over 63,000 for the IRT extraversion and neuroticism traits. The NEO-FFI polygenic scores were used to predict life satisfaction in 7 cohorts, positive affect in 12 cohorts, and general wellbeing in 1 cohort (maximal N = 46,508). Meta-analysis of these results showed no significant association between NEO-FFI personality polygenic scores and the wellbeing measures. IRT extraversion and neuroticism polygenic scores were used to predict life satisfaction and positive affect in almost 37,000 individuals from UK Biobank. Significant positive associations (effect sizes <0.05%) were observed between the extraversion polygenic score and wellbeing measures, and a negative association was observed between the polygenic neuroticism score and life satisfaction. Furthermore, using GWA data, genetic correlations of -0.49 and -0.55 were estimated between neuroticism with life satisfaction and positive affect, respectively. The moderate genetic correlation between neuroticism and wellbeing is in line with twin research showing that genetic influences on wellbeing are also shared with other independent personality domains.
Contributors
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- By Mitchell Aboulafia, Frederick Adams, Marilyn McCord Adams, Robert M. Adams, Laird Addis, James W. Allard, David Allison, William P. Alston, Karl Ameriks, C. Anthony Anderson, David Leech Anderson, Lanier Anderson, Roger Ariew, David Armstrong, Denis G. Arnold, E. J. Ashworth, Margaret Atherton, Robin Attfield, Bruce Aune, Edward Wilson Averill, Jody Azzouni, Kent Bach, Andrew Bailey, Lynne Rudder Baker, Thomas R. Baldwin, Jon Barwise, George Bealer, William Bechtel, Lawrence C. Becker, Mark A. Bedau, Ernst Behler, José A. Benardete, Ermanno Bencivenga, Jan Berg, Michael Bergmann, Robert L. Bernasconi, Sven Bernecker, Bernard Berofsky, Rod Bertolet, Charles J. Beyer, Christian Beyer, Joseph Bien, Joseph Bien, Peg Birmingham, Ivan Boh, James Bohman, Daniel Bonevac, Laurence BonJour, William J. Bouwsma, Raymond D. Bradley, Myles Brand, Richard B. Brandt, Michael E. Bratman, Stephen E. Braude, Daniel Breazeale, Angela Breitenbach, Jason Bridges, David O. Brink, Gordon G. Brittan, Justin Broackes, Dan W. Brock, Aaron Bronfman, Jeffrey E. Brower, Bartosz Brozek, Anthony Brueckner, Jeffrey Bub, Lara Buchak, Otavio Bueno, Ann E. Bumpus, Robert W. Burch, John Burgess, Arthur W. Burks, Panayot Butchvarov, Robert E. Butts, Marina Bykova, Patrick Byrne, David Carr, Noël Carroll, Edward S. Casey, Victor Caston, Victor Caston, Albert Casullo, Robert L. Causey, Alan K. L. Chan, Ruth Chang, Deen K. Chatterjee, Andrew Chignell, Roderick M. Chisholm, Kelly J. Clark, E. J. Coffman, Robin Collins, Brian P. Copenhaver, John Corcoran, John Cottingham, Roger Crisp, Frederick J. Crosson, Antonio S. Cua, Phillip D. Cummins, Martin Curd, Adam Cureton, Andrew Cutrofello, Stephen Darwall, Paul Sheldon Davies, Wayne A. Davis, Timothy Joseph Day, Claudio de Almeida, Mario De Caro, Mario De Caro, John Deigh, C. F. Delaney, Daniel C. Dennett, Michael R. DePaul, Michael Detlefsen, Daniel Trent Devereux, Philip E. Devine, John M. Dillon, Martin C. Dillon, Robert DiSalle, Mary Domski, Alan Donagan, Paul Draper, Fred Dretske, Mircea Dumitru, Wilhelm Dupré, Gerald Dworkin, John Earman, Ellery Eells, Catherine Z. Elgin, Berent Enç, Ronald P. Endicott, Edward Erwin, John Etchemendy, C. Stephen Evans, Susan L. Feagin, Solomon Feferman, Richard Feldman, Arthur Fine, Maurice A. Finocchiaro, William FitzPatrick, Richard E. Flathman, Gvozden Flego, Richard Foley, Graeme Forbes, Rainer Forst, Malcolm R. Forster, Daniel Fouke, Patrick Francken, Samuel Freeman, Elizabeth Fricker, Miranda Fricker, Michael Friedman, Michael Fuerstein, Richard A. Fumerton, Alan Gabbey, Pieranna Garavaso, Daniel Garber, Jorge L. A. Garcia, Robert K. Garcia, Don Garrett, Philip Gasper, Gerald Gaus, Berys Gaut, Bernard Gert, Roger F. Gibson, Cody Gilmore, Carl Ginet, Alan H. Goldman, Alvin I. Goldman, Alfonso Gömez-Lobo, Lenn E. Goodman, Robert M. Gordon, Stefan Gosepath, Jorge J. E. Gracia, Daniel W. Graham, George A. Graham, Peter J. Graham, Richard E. Grandy, I. Grattan-Guinness, John Greco, Philip T. Grier, Nicholas Griffin, Nicholas Griffin, David A. Griffiths, Paul J. Griffiths, Stephen R. Grimm, Charles L. Griswold, Charles B. Guignon, Pete A. Y. Gunter, Dimitri Gutas, Gary Gutting, Paul Guyer, Kwame Gyekye, Oscar A. Haac, Raul Hakli, Raul Hakli, Michael Hallett, Edward C. Halper, Jean Hampton, R. James Hankinson, K. R. Hanley, Russell Hardin, Robert M. Harnish, William Harper, David Harrah, Kevin Hart, Ali Hasan, William Hasker, John Haugeland, Roger Hausheer, William Heald, Peter Heath, Richard Heck, John F. Heil, Vincent F. Hendricks, Stephen Hetherington, Francis Heylighen, Kathleen Marie Higgins, Risto Hilpinen, Harold T. Hodes, Joshua Hoffman, Alan Holland, Robert L. Holmes, Richard Holton, Brad W. Hooker, Terence E. Horgan, Tamara Horowitz, Paul Horwich, Vittorio Hösle, Paul Hoβfeld, Daniel Howard-Snyder, Frances Howard-Snyder, Anne Hudson, Deal W. Hudson, Carl A. Huffman, David L. Hull, Patricia Huntington, Thomas Hurka, Paul Hurley, Rosalind Hursthouse, Guillermo Hurtado, Ronald E. Hustwit, Sarah Hutton, Jonathan Jenkins Ichikawa, Harry A. Ide, David Ingram, Philip J. Ivanhoe, Alfred L. Ivry, Frank Jackson, Dale Jacquette, Joseph Jedwab, Richard Jeffrey, David Alan Johnson, Edward Johnson, Mark D. Jordan, Richard Joyce, Hwa Yol Jung, Robert Hillary Kane, Tomis Kapitan, Jacquelyn Ann K. Kegley, James A. Keller, Ralph Kennedy, Sergei Khoruzhii, Jaegwon Kim, Yersu Kim, Nathan L. King, Patricia Kitcher, Peter D. Klein, E. D. Klemke, Virginia Klenk, George L. Kline, Christian Klotz, Simo Knuuttila, Joseph J. Kockelmans, Konstantin Kolenda, Sebastian Tomasz Kołodziejczyk, Isaac Kramnick, Richard Kraut, Fred Kroon, Manfred Kuehn, Steven T. Kuhn, Henry E. Kyburg, John Lachs, Jennifer Lackey, Stephen E. Lahey, Andrea Lavazza, Thomas H. Leahey, Joo Heung Lee, Keith Lehrer, Dorothy Leland, Noah M. 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