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sixteen - Coping and resilience: children's responses to online risks
- Edited by Sonia Livingstone, London School of Economics and Political Science, Leslie Haddon, London School of Economics and Political Science, Anke Görzig, London School of Economics and Political Science
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- Book:
- Children, Risk and Safety on the Internet
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 07 September 2022
- Print publication:
- 18 July 2012, pp 205-218
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Summary
Theoretical background
There is an impressive body of behavioural science research, beginning in the 1950s, which focuses primarily on ‘[w]hat makes a difference in the lives of children threatened by adversity or burdened by risk’ (Masten and Powell, 2003, p 4). Exposure to risks is part of everyday life and potentially contributes to increased ability to cope with threats; however, children's resilience to risks varies, and some cope with adversity better than others (Smith and Carlson, 1997). Resilience, defined as ‘positive patterns of adaptation in the context of risk or adversity’, is considered one of the most complex and provocative aspects of human development (Masten and Gewirtz, 2006, p 24). Masten and Gewirtz (2006, p 24) define the concept of ‘coping’ as ‘efforts to adapt to stress or other disturbances created by a stressor or adversity’. Interestingly, risk and protective factors can work together to enhance overall resilience (Coleman and Hagell, 2007, p 15). Very few studies focus specifically on resilience to risks in the online world, and also little work has been done on investigating whether the risks encountered offline also extend to the online world.
Contextualising online risks: from risk to harm
As children grow older and as their level of digital literacy increases, they are more exposed to all types of online risks (Livingstone et al, 2011). Psychological characteristics are related to the effect of online risks: children with more self-efficacy and more psychological difficulties, who are sensation-seeking, experience more exposure (see Table 16.1).
Exposure to risk, however, is not necessarily related to more harm. Despite their higher levels of exposure, older children, children from more affluent homes and children with high self-efficacy are frequently less bothered by sexual risks (seeing sexual images or receiving sexual messages) or offline meetings with online contacts. High sensation-seeking and a wide range of online activities also seem to increase children's resilience towards online sexual risks. Experiencing psychological difficulties may threaten the development of children’s resilience to online risks: emotionally troubled children are subject to higher exposure to online risks and are more likely to feel bothered by the experience. Although boys more often see or receive sexual images and messages, girls are more sensitive about sexual risks.
Psychological characteristics have a particularly strong impact on a child's level of perceived harm, irrespective of the type of risk.
eight - Young people online: gender and age influences
- Edited by Sonia Livingstone, London School of Economics and Political Science, Leslie Haddon, London School of Economics and Political Science
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- Book:
- Kids Online
- Published by:
- Bristol University Press
- Published online:
- 15 July 2022
- Print publication:
- 30 September 2009, pp 95-106
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Summary
Setting the scene
Digital technologies and their use among children and young people in Europe have become increasingly more complex and pervasive (Livingstone and Bovill, 2001; Larsson, 2003; Lenhart, 2005). Numerous studies show that young people are far from homogeneous, yet age and gender continue to be particularly strong predictors of patterns of use (Wartella et al, 2000). Age differences are usually supposed to be linear: with age one tends to engage in more online opportunities and in more risky behaviour. Gender differences are commonly supposed to be strong but unpredictable (Weiser, 2000). The gender picture becomes more complex when one compares young children with teenagers as to their experience of online opportunities and risks, also taking into account cultural differences between countries. Because of these complexities, in this chapter gender and age-based practices are interpreted within a theoretical framework that incorporates the study of the digital divide, the uses-and-gratifications theory and gender socialisation theory.
Defining the digital divide as binary is not a useful approach: one is not either in or out, digitally included or excluded. Hence, it makes much more sense to map a continuum of use with gradations in digital inclusion, from non-use through low use to more frequent use. Substantial differences in adoption styles and online attitudes are due to socio-demographics as well as psychological factors (Broos and Roe, 2006). Van Dijk (2006) questions which inequalities the digital divide concept actually refers to, making distinctions between different kinds of digital divide (material, motivational, skills and usage) and the importance of potentially missing out on technologically mediated opportunities in terms of life chances, resources, participation and capabilities. Livingstone and Helsper's (2007) ladder of online opportunities is put forward as a useful analytical tool for exploring variations in the breadth and depth of digital technologies’ use. While the gender divide in access has closed in North America and north-western Europe, gender gaps in usage persist. Obviously, none of this evidence is static: it is therefore crucial to see how digital media applications change over time as well as users’ expectations and interests.
Digital technologies are usually used to gratify certain needs or wants. The uses-and-gratifications research tradition focuses on factors influencing motives for use and outcomes from people's media-related behaviour (Newhagen and Rafaeli, 1996).