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Social Death and Rastafari Reason
- Robbie Shilliam
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- Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race , First View
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 15 August 2023, pp. 1-19
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Orlando Patterson’s concept of “social death” has yet to receive a critical analysis congruent to the ethos of Black Studies, which impels us to contextualize struggles over knowledge formation as part of struggles for, against, and over Black community. In this article, I situate the early Patterson not only within an imperial academy but also within its contested Black spaces of post-emancipation independence. I demonstrate how Patterson’s intellectual path was shaped by his interactions with the Rastafari movement around the cusp of Jamaica’s independence. But I also argue that in his evaluation of the movement Patterson denuded Rastafari of reason. Examining the same concerns of Patterson but through Rastafari reasoning demonstrates that his concept of “social death” might be problematic in some important ways to the purposes of Black Studies.
5 - Demolishing slums, building up
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- Agenda Publishing
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 61-76
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Summary
Even after two world wars, crumbled city landscapes still largely spoke of a nineteenth-century provenance. Rows of back-to-back terraces built by industry sat next to tenements built for the poor. A window into the appalling nature of living conditions is given by Ron Charnick, a former health inspector in London’s Southwark: “Littered with bomb sites, overcrowded, badly damaged, poorly repaired and much unfit housing … Overrun with rats both within and outside public sewers, needing 12 rodent operatives to control. No DDT so infestations of bed bugs, fleas, lice and cockroaches prevalent … Air pollution heavy” (Historia Sanitaria 1954).
Tenants of slum landlords could count on very little regulation or assistance. On those occasions when health inspectors such as Charnick turned up and followed through with enforcements, many landlords abandoned their property, placing the responsibility for the home or its demolition onto the local authority.
In Chapter 2 we noted that Charles Booth’s nineteenthcentury street survey of London effectively conjoined each class to the space that it occupied such that squalid areas inferred squalid peoples. In Chapter 4 we noted how postwar Commonwealth migration was parsed through the same calculus such that areas populated by Black and Asian peoples were considered squalid due to the racialized demographic. In what now follows we show how a new topography of squalor became integral to the postcolonial political imagination.
In this chapter we examine the politics and strategies of slum clearance in the postwar era, a process that ran parallel to the suburban and New Town building initiatives discussed in the last chapter. We have already noted that slum clearance was always accompanied by a segregation of the working class into “God’s” and the “devil’s” poor, or, those considered hygienic or dysgenic to the imperial and national project of capital accumulation. However, with New Commonwealth immigration, these segregating logics took on renewed and sharpened racial lines.
Thus far we have argued that social and economic development never followed slum dwellers displaced from their habitats, and so squalor merely reproduced itself down the road. But in this chapter, we turn towards a novel vertical answer to the horizontal reproduction of slums – the high-rise tower block.
Acknowledgements
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp vii-viii
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9 - Twenty-first century squalor
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 127-144
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Summary
As the 2008 financial crisis spread across the global economy, the Labour government intervened to prop up the housing market by supporting mortgage lenders and offering tax concessions to those purchasing homes. Despite many commentators accrediting Labour with “saving the system”, the 2010 election resulted in a Conservative and Liberal Democrat coalition government, who promptly made it their priority to tighten the proverbial belt.
British people, the new government claimed, had “lived beyond their means”. Chancellor George Osborne announced that it was time to “cut the waste and reform the welfare system that our country can no longer afford”. As part of this austerity agenda, Osborne and Prime Minister David Cameron confronted a housing benefit bill that had mushroomed from £2 billion in the early 2000s to £20 billion in 2010. Logically, they sought to cut expenditure on the four million council and housing association homes where almost a fifth of the population still lived.
At the same time, lobbyists and Conservative politicians claimed that the Labour government had stifled the housing market by subsidizing council and social homes. Incredible as it might seem, Conservative ideologues judged the deregulation and outsourcing of the Blair years to have been insufficient to the task of unleashing the full potential of that market. In short, the coalition government was dead set on turning Thatcher’s property-owning democracy almost fully over into a landlord’s oligarchy.
Recall the definition we gave to squalor at the start of this book: your habitat kills you. In the previous chapter we considered New Labour’s strategy of public–private financing, deregulation and outsourcing to have led to an organized negligence practiced by the state and its local administrations. In this chapter, we track the logical endpoint of such a strategy, a form of what Cameroonian philosopher Achille Mbembe (2003) has called “necropolitics”. For Mbembe, contemporary politics is defined not necessarily by a straightforward desire to kill populations, but by a right to expose particular populations to deadly conditions.
We argue that after 2010 the British state has effectively divided the population into those who cling to a category of “life” – people who comfortably own habitations that are constructed safely – and those deposited in a category of “death” – those occupying habitations that they can ill afford and are unsafe, as well as the homeless and asylum seekers.
3 - Housing policy and national reform
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 29-44
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Summary
The fishing village of Helmsdale was constructed in 1814 to accommodate people displaced in highland clearances and enclosures. Above the town, there stands a memorial featuring flags of Britain’s settler colonies. This memorial reminds us that those who suffered the violence of land dispossession at home could, in principle, find benefit in enacting the same processes abroad.
Famous imperialist Cecil Rhodes proposed a solution to the “bread and butter question” by agitating for the acquisition of “new lands for settling the surplus population” of Britain. Indeed, even as the moral crisis of squalor grew across the nineteenth century, Britain was in part able to manage and mitigate the consequences of its unequal development via imperial expansion. In the eight decades after 1850, just under 17 million people emigrated from the British Isles, about 41 per cent of the 1900 population. Yet increasingly, politicians and policymakers sought to undertake social reforms at home. Why the turn around?
David Lloyd George, Chancellor of the Exchequer, led a series of Liberal reforms from 1908 to 1916, which attempted to copy social insurance policies that underpinned Germany’s industrial rise to power. Inter-imperial competition gave way to world war and that war cleared the stage for the Russian Revolution. In 1919, Lloyd George, now prime minister, justified an expanded social insurance system by reference to the threat of Bolshevism thus: “Even if this were to cost hundreds of millions of pounds, what is that to the stability of the state?” (cited in Jones & Murie 2006).
Faced with such a threat to the capitalist system itself, some began to judge the piecemeal voluntaristic character of philanthropic organization as unfit for purpose. Helen Bosanquet and Octavia Hill’s Charity Organisation Society was neither sufficiently organized nor nationalized. Thus, early-twentieth-century leaders of industry, politicians and reformers increasingly entertained the prospect that the state might have to be used as a lever for domestic reform. Lloyd George is exemplary of this shift. But even Beveridge considered social reform less in moral terms and more and more through the impersonal metrics of national coordination and planning.
6 - The struggle for the city
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 77-92
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Summary
In 1978, Stuart Hall and a set of co-writers published Policing the Crisis, in which they examined the media frenzy over Black “muggings” in the early 1970s. Hall argued that this phenomenon was a manufactured “moral panic”. In fact, “mugging” was not a term recognized in British law, but was rather slang imported from the United States, which referenced violent and opportunist robbery, especially of elderly (usually white) women. Hall (1978) was concerned to understand how fear of “black crime” was being mobilized in a political turn towards a “law and order” agenda. Such concerns were to eventuate in specialist police operations, including Operation Trident, run by the Metropolitan Police, which focused in particular on Black violence.
As the Butskellism compromise – such as it was – started to unravel in the 1960s, the prospect of naked class struggle became ever more worrisome to the establishment. Enoch Powell’s interventions had built a platform on which to bring the white working class into alliance with business and political leaders in opposition to Black and Asian immigrants who took resources away from “indigenous” working men and, of course, the “traitorous” white elites that defended these newcomer’s equal rights. Hall connected such populist developments to the problem of working-class solidarity in times of economic crises.
Hall argued that Black workers were a “sub-proletariat” that lived their class experience through the modality of race. In this respect, a united front of workers could only coalesce if racism was considered by mainstream working-class organizations to be a legitimate injustice for the labour movement. Racism was not just an issue of industrial relations but of class struggle in and of itself. Alternatively, Powell had cast anti-racism as a project that undermined the legitimacy and worthiness of British subjects (worker and elite) at the hands of illegitimate non-white workers and their white elite defenders. By this logic, the moral panic over mugging channelled Powellite politics in times of crises; it was the wedge with which working-class struggle would be blocked.
Of course, mugging was mostly reported to happen in areas that bred “black crime”. As we saw in the previous chapter, by the end of the 1960s, slum clearances had become driven by cost concerns rather than by the Bevanite principle of general needs and universal social uplift.
2 - A moral history of squalor
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 11-28
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Summary
The second half of the nineteenth century occupies a particular place in the national imagination. And whilst more contemporary invocations of “Victorian values” seek to return a fractured and transformed polity to a more cohesive and traditional collective past, in truth the Victorian era was also one of fracture and transformation. By the latter half of the century, imperial expansion and industrial urbanization provoked appeals to religion and morality at the same time as they themselves were implicated in the secularization of knowledge – for instance, the new sciences of eugenics and political economy.
Commercial shifts in land use and social hierarchies set the scene for the turbulent Victorian era. Chartering was an eighteenth-century process of establishing corporate ownership through privatizing public land. Enclosure was the process of establishing private property on what had once been communal lands for peasant farmers. By the end of the eighteenth-century, chartering and enclosure had robbed common land from the people, forcing them to dwell more and more in industrial cities in search of work. The landed elites and the mercantile classes who had amassed wealth through industrialism and empire held to a philosophy that their own freedom was bound to their property. They feared the anarchy of the urban poor living in abominable conditions, “masterless men” who had no social standard or economic investment to bind their energies to. The right to vote was for the propertied only, the tyranny of the masses had to be prevented and order imposed upon them.
Many of the chattering classes – those who wrote pamphlets and discoursed in parliamentary halls, tea houses and private clubs – saw in the urban poor the prospect of civilizational decline and a return to “primitive humanity”. The poor, they supposed, lacked a proper work ethic. Self-reliance would have to be their salvation. To civilize domestic indigents meant to build worthy habits by destroying corrupting influences, with particular attention to gin – the devil’s drink. With horror, the chattering classes realized that what was commonplace in the colonial periphery could now be gleaned in the heart of the metropole: encamped in the slums were a race “apart”.
7 - The Right to Buy
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 93-108
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Summary
Running parallel to the struggles over the city was a struggle in the halls of power which pivoted around a redefinition of the very purpose and method of governing. This pivot has been examined through various terms – “neoliberalism”, “free enterprise” or “marketization”. But all of them reference a principle called “public choice”: the market rather than government is the most efficient mechanism by which to maximize social welfare. Part of this principle implies that administrators should govern as if the state – local and national – is a business.
In 1976, Oxford economists Roger Bacon and Walter Eltis published Britain’s Economic Problem: Too Few Producers. In the book they argued that the growth of government employment was at the expense of capital. They dubbed this swelling of the state as the “British disease” – a “shift of employment from industry to services, and public services in particular”. The disease, they argued, “had no equal in any other large Western developed economy” (Bacon & Eltis 1976: 12). As a solution, the authors promoted a pro-business approach, which trusted industry and commerce – rather than the state and administration – with the generation of wealth.
Concerns about state spending pulled at the seams of governance. Many on the Conservative right saw a necessity for huge cuts, using private enterprise to replace state inefficiencies As Labour formed a government in the wake of the oil crisis and recession, there was growing acceptance that drastic economic measures would soon need to be taken. Some in government argued that nationalization had not gone far enough. Still, the public mood was shifting as the economy suffered.
Housing and land became key areas of contestation. To reduce costs and generate revenue entailed freeing up and repurposing prime real estate, especially in cities and conurbations. The local state was marshalled to increase the price of land and property as more and more of the nation’s wealth became bound to property markets.
The politics of redevelopment from the Edinburgh clearances onwards has always produced dual effects – on the one hand, destroying substandard homes, on the other hand, providing good homes at a higher price.
10 - Social murder
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 145-156
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Summary
In this concluding chapter, we return once more to North Kensington, London. It should have become clear by now that many of the historical, political and theoretical threads of this book lead to the fire at Grenfell Tower, in the Lancaster West Estate. In the Introduction, we claimed that squalor is inextricably bound to mortality and an ever-increasing proximity to death. The Grenfell Tower fire, we suggest, is the form that twenty-first-century squalor takes – and might take again. Those who consider themselves far removed from the stereotypical figure of squalor – criminal, impoverished, living off benefits and in broken social housing – might now need to reassess their proximities.
FIGHTING FIRE
With an unprecedented swing in the 2017 snap election, Labour candidate Emma Dent Coad took London’s Kensington constituency. Dent Coad’s incredibly close victory was cheered on by participants of several local movements campaigning for public space under the Westway, for the retention of local amenities, and for housing justice in general. Amongst the crowd gathered outside the Town Hall was Ed Daffarn of the Grenfell Action Group who was busy encouraging electoral observers to investigate the local council. With Dent Coad’s victory the press began to pay attention to this working-class community in the heart of London, which, despite waves of gentrification, remained embedded in the wards of North Kensington.
Days later, Ed Daffarn barely survived Britain’s deadliest residential fire since the Blitz. The scale of the crime has now become clear to all, with the Grenfell Tower Inquiry revealing a widespread knowledge of the risks of the cladding system and insulation. Arconic, Celotex and Kingspan were well aware of the combustibility of their products, but they still marketed them as safe.
As we have noted, the government as well as privatized regulatory bodies knew that the products sold by corporate crooks and killers presented a significant threat to life. They allowed the ambiguous classification of Class 0 to hold for products they knew to be combustible, because they did not want to “distort the market” by specifying what was safe or unsafe. Deceiving themselves wilfully, they did not even plan for the eventuality of serious cladding fire, despite evidence from a number of domestic and international incidents.
Squalor
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam
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- Published by:
- Agenda Publishing
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022
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British society is increasingly divided into the haves and the have-nots. Housing epitomizes this division with spiralling rents, exorbitant prices, lack of council provision, poorly maintained stock, and polluted cities with ever decreasing green space. Daniel Renwick and Robbie Shilliam provide a recent history of squalor culminating in the Grenfell Tower fire. In doing so they reveal a profound political failure to provide fair and just solutions to shelter - the most basic of human needs. Renwick and Shilliam argue that agents of change exist within those populations presently damned by a racist and class-riven system of housing provision.
Index
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 October 2022, pp 164-168
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1 - Introduction
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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Summary
Squalor simply defined: your habitat kills you. Squalor is inextricably bound to mortality and ever-increasing proximity to death caused by overcrowded quarters, damp abodes, polluted streets, and even petroleum-clad buildings. Some of these conditions are recognizably squalid and conjure conventional images of the poor and destitute. But some might surprise. For instance, consider the possibility that young professionals who stretch their budget to mortgage a leasehold in dangerously built apartment complexes are suffering from squalor. We know this giant from a hundred different books and films. We might not appreciate just how closely it stalks many of us.
Within squalor it is possible to find Beveridge’s other giants gestating – want, disease, ignorance and idleness. Yet squalor is distinct in so far as it is the only giant that does not directly reference human faculties or needs. Squalor, instead, is a condition of the built environment in which humans live. Etymologically, squalor derives from the Latin squalidus, meaning, “to be covered with dirt”. Squalor, then, intonates a covering over and defiling of humanity. The word has also come to imply a kind of osmosis between humans and their lived environment. Where the human ends and their habitat begins is unclear. For this reason, “good” homes and streets equals worthy humans, whereas “bad” homes and streets equals unworthy denizens.
The aim of this book is to provide a political history of squalor in Britain from the mid-nineteenth century to the present day. We are not interested in a past that is dead. Rather, we hope to provide a “history of the present”, that is, a history that helps to illuminate contemporary challenges. Crucial questions that will guide this illumination include: what elements of squalor persist over time, and how are they part of the bedrock of British politics? How has squalor changed its form? What should we name as squalor in our present day? And, when it comes to slaying the giant of squalor, what are the forces of continuity and who are the agents of change?
The objective of this book is to demonstrate that squalor in Britain has been consistently re-made by political elites, even as they have pursued policies to ameliorate squalid conditions.
Frontmatter
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp i-iv
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4 - A postwar consensus?
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 45-60
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Summary
By the end of the war, Britain’s housing situation was in dire straits: 12.5 million homes had been damaged, 250,000 beyond the point of human habitation. Hundreds of thousands more were in desperate need of repairs (Timmins 2001). However, during the war years, house building had been halted. It was no surprise, then, that with a population buoyed by the promises of the Beveridge Report, housing became a cause of militancy across the country. Michael Foot, newly elected MP for Plymouth Devonport and future leader of the Labour Party, recalled that during these years “every MP and every local councillor was being besieged by the endless queue of the homeless” (quoted in Harding 2020: 55).
In 1945, the coalition government presented its Housing White Paper under intense scrutiny. This was the first official document to accept the principle that government should assure that every family could find a dwelling. To discharge such a duty, the government acknowledged that up to four million homes would need to be built immediately. Such acceptance was palatable to Labour, far less so to Conservatives. Nonetheless, having undertaken wartime planning, and having been in a wartime alliance with the Soviet Union, Tories could no longer easily claim that the state was an illegitimate vessel by which to secure public needs.
In 1954, Norman Macrae, a journalist at The Economist, coined the term “Butskellism” – an amalgam of the surnames of then Conservative Chancellor of the Exchequer R. A. Butler, and his predecessor, the Labour politician Hugh Gaitskell. Macrae satirically used the term to denote an apparent postwar consensus between parties when it came to a comprehensive welfare regime, a mixed economy comprising an alliance between state, business and labour, and demand management in service of full employment. Butskellism quickly transformed from an amalgam to an explanatory term, which expanded to include defence policy and then extended forward to cover the entire period up until Margaret Thatcher’s premiership.
In recent years historians have questioned the depth and strength of this consensus (see Rollings 1996). In this chapter we demonstrate that, when dealing with the giant of squalor, one can question whether a consensus ever existed.
Contents
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp v-vi
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8 - Organized negligence
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 January 2024
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- 20 October 2022, pp 109-126
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Summary
Previously we noted that Friedrich Engels used the term “social murder” to describe premature deaths amongst urban workers caused by industrialization. Engels might be forgiven for rhetorical excess. However, the structural violence his term implies has a long tradition of analysis in Marxist political economy.
In 1982, geographer David Harvey published The Limits to Capital. In seeking to understand the process of urbanization within a capitalist context, Harvey wished to update some of the basic explanations of capitalism provided by Karl Marx. For our purposes, the book is important due to its attempt to think through how mobile circuits of capital shape and affect built environments and neighbourhoods. Harvey (1982: 397) described part of this process as an “organized abandonment” of locales by capital.
Harvey took an example of organized abandonment from his then place of residence, Baltimore. “Redlining” refers to a historical practice of using covenants to exclude Black people from owning property in planned neighbourhoods. Redlining can also take more subtle racist forms, such as denying – or massively increasing the cost of – financial services for people living in a particular postcode that just so happens to be predominantly populated by Black people. Harvey’s point was that this abandonment of the neighbourhood by finance was anything but haphazard. Rather it was organized via institutions that had mastery over the transmission line from local populations through the state to capital. Organized abandonment is almost always poverty-inducing and, in short, maintains destitution and therefore squalor.
Another geographer, Ruth Wilson Gilmore, mainly known nowadays for her work on prison abolition, updated Harvey’s thoughts in the 2000s to refer to neoliberal state reorganization specifically. Glossing many of the processes that we described in the previous two chapters, Gilmore (2008) connects organized abandonment to crisis-led restructurings of the economy. More recently, Brenna Bhandar (2018), a critical legal theorist, has used the term “organized state abandonment” to describe the conditions that led to the Grenfell Tower fire. Bhandar speaks incisively of the “abandonment of the state’s responsibilities” to provide safety and security for its citizenry, noting how such abandonment reignites hostility towards the poor and working class, as well as more recently arrived migrants.
References
- Daniel Renwick, Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Squalor
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- 20 October 2022, pp 157-163
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7 - Theorizing (with) Amy Ashwood Garvey
- from Part II - Outsiders
- Edited by Patricia Owens, University of Oxford, Katharina Rietzler, University of Sussex
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- Women's International Thought: A New History
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- 07 January 2021
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- 07 January 2021, pp 158-178
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This chapter returns to the foundational questions of what it means to produce international thought. What are the markers of recognition, in terms of location and genre? Amy Ashwood Garvey was a race woman, a ‘street-strolling’ Pan-Africanist and leader of the Universal Negro Improvement Association. For this gifted conversationalist, public orator and rhetorician, political praxis and organizing were a way of theorizing. Although her political activism spanned the black Atlantic, it was partly due to her commitment to localized ‘women’s work’ that she understood the limits of a patriarchal Pan-Africanism. Rather than positing a unitary blackness, Garvey analyzed the intersections of race, class, sex, gender and nation in community-level struggles for self-determination. Viewed through such a lens, black patriarchy did not suppress but politicize black women. Understanding Garvey’s theorizing as fractal, accommodating struggle within struggle, resolves some of the seeming contradictions in her thought.
Chapter 8 - Conclusion: Brexit, Viewed from Grenfell Tower
- Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Race and the Undeserving Poor
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- Agenda Publishing
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- 09 August 2023
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- 30 June 2018, pp 165-182
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Summary
On 14 June 2017, a fire took hold of Grenfell Tower, a 24-storey highrise in the Lancaster West Estate in North Kensington, London. At times approximating the temperature of an incinerator, the building smouldered for days afterwards. The tower comprised 129 flats, most of which were social housing managed by the Kensington and Chelsea Tenant Management Organisation (KCTMO). The official death toll of 71 residents remains hotly disputed by many witnesses and community members. But even this number still makes the event Britain’s deadliest structural fire since the beginning of the twentieth century. So appallingly inept and callous was the local government response to the fire and its aftermath that within five days the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea (RBKC), one of the richest local councils in the country, had been side-lined at the highest level of government in favour of a “gold command”, which then coordinated the response.
The intensity and spread of the fire, seemingly starting in one fourth floor flat, is widely attributed to the flammability of the cladding that was attached to the exterior of the building as part of an insulation upgrade between 2015 and 2016. An original contractor had been dropped by the Tenant Management Organisation (KCTMO) in favour of a cheaper competitor. Building experts warned in 2014 that the material scheduled for Grenfell Tower had to be used in tandem with non-combustible cladding (Prescod & Renwick 2017). Nonetheless, a cladding that featured superior fire resistance was ruled out due to cost, and a sub-standard type fitted instead. Ultimately, RBKC’s building control team certified that work complied with “relevant provisions” (Prescod & Renwick 2017).
Many community members, leaders and activists have criticized the proposed terms of the public inquiry into Grenfell Tower, which focuses on the immediate causes of the fire, the responsibilities of the local authority, and the local and national response. They argue that the wider context of gentrification must frame any investigation. Taking this prompt, I want to connect Grenfell to the racialization of the undeserving poor that I have presented in this book.
Dedication
- Robbie Shilliam, The Johns Hopkins University, Maryland
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- Race and the Undeserving Poor
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- 09 August 2023
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- 30 June 2018, pp v-vi
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