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5 - School Careers Of Second-Generation Youth in Europe: Which Education Systems Provide the best Chances for Success?
- Edited by Maurice Crul, Jens Schneider, Frans Lelie
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- Book:
- European Second Generation Compared
- Published by:
- Amsterdam University Press
- Published online:
- 09 January 2021
- Print publication:
- 15 February 2013, pp 101-164
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Summary
Introduction
We begin this chapter with some profiles of respondents to the TIES survey, namely, three young women of Turkish descent living in Paris, Frankfurt and Amsterdam. The women's parents all came from small villages in the countryside of Yozgat, a province in central Turkey, which is a major sending area for Turkish emigrants. The mothers had all gone only to primary school, while the fathers each had attended an additional few years of secondary school. These stories exemplify differences in school careers for young second-generation Turkish women in the different European cities we studied.
First there is Kaya, an unmarried Turkish-French woman who was 22 years old at the time of the TIES survey in France. Living in Paris, at age three, she went to école maternelle, followed by the local primary school where, according to her estimation, half the children came from immigrant families. She never had to repeat a year and, at age eleven, continued on to a collège, a lower secondary school, in her neighbourhood. In this school, three quarters of the children were of immigrant descent. Again, she did not have to repeat years and obtained her BEPC diploma, after which she continued in the first year of a lyceum technologique, an upper secondary school. At age seventeen, she received her baccalaureate degree and then moved on to a higher vocational education institution where, at age 21, she got her Bachelor's degree. At that point, Kaya stopped her studies because, as she put it, she was satisfied with her results. Upon leaving school, she was first unemployed, though after eight months she found a professional job as a social worker. Kaya represents a large group of female respondents of Turkish descent in our Paris survey.
Turning to Frankfurt, we meet Aysa, a Turkish-German twenty year old at the time of the TIES survey in Germany. Aysa did not go to Kindergarten and so only began school at age six. She went to a neighbourhood primary school in which about three quarters of the children were from immigrant families. She repeated a year once and thus finished primary school at age eleven.
Report from Spain
- Edited by Jeroen Doomernik, Michael Jandl
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- Book:
- Modes of Migration Regulation and Control in Europe
- Published by:
- Amsterdam University Press
- Published online:
- 26 January 2021
- Print publication:
- 28 August 2008, pp 147-170
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Summary
Introduction
The Spanish Constitution of 1978 contains only one precept on migration movements concerning Spanish emigrants. That is, Article 13, which specifies the basic constitutional regulation on aliens. The precept formulates a principle of restricted equivalence between nationals and aliens vis-à-vis the entitlement to, and exercise of, fundamental rights and public liberties. The article also constitutes the basis for Spanish legislation on aliens and immigration. The Spanish Constitution does not, however, take immigration into account. At the time of its creation, immigration was veritably non-existent, and Spain had traditionally been a country of emigrants. As the data in Tables 1 through 4 show, there has been substantial change in Spain's migratory flows during the last 30 years.
Spain's emigration-to-immigration metamorphosis provides rich fodder for describing the evolution of the country's legal regime. While the country's legislation has been adapted to European Union legislation and policies, and it must therefore be understood in the greater European context, this chapter's analysis takes a stricter national perspective. The chapter underscores the vacillation that Spain experienced in the legislative and political process during years of intense change. Revealed here are the difficulties that were involved in the creation and execution of the new policy on immigration.
Organic Law 7/1985 on the rights and liberties of aliens in Spain
Organic Law 7/1985 develops Article 13 for the first time. Its content can be classified as ‘net aliens’: it stressed the control of aliens – their entry, stay and work – and the restrictive regulation of rights was based on the distinction between legal and illegal aliens and, within the legal group, aliens on temporary stays and residents. This law did not provide for aspects of immigration. For example, it did not take into account residence or work permits for an indefinite period of time, nor did it regulate family reunification. The Spanish legislator was thus short-sighted, being well aware of the immediate reality of Spain's incorporation into the European Community, while nevertheless being unable to foresee Spain's transformation from a country of emigrants to a country of immigrants.
During the years following Organic Law 7/1985, the situation was characterised by a constant increase in migratory flows, which gave rise to a growing number of irregular immigrants.