This essay celebrates the BU Health Law Program upon its 70th anniversary, offering reflections on the founders of the program, Fran Miller, George Annas, and Wendy Mariner (“FGW,” endearingly), and their contributions to the field.

Current faculty offer reflections, including: Several speak to scholarly research, including Elizabeth McCuskey on health care finance, Aziza Ahmed on human rights, Dionne Lomax on antitrust, Christopher Robertson on trust, and Kathy Zeiler on the marketplace. Other contributors speak to the student experience, with Dianne McCarthy on mentorship, Laura Stephens on demanding excellence, Michael Ulrich on teaching, and Larry Vernaglia on merging law and public health. On FGW’s broader impacts, Nicole Huberfeld speaks to the translation of research to reach new audiences, and Kevin Outterson writes about FGW’s pivotal roles in establishing the health law field and the institutions that now define it.

Together these pieces testify to the astounding contributions of these scholar-teacher-leaders across many domains and dimensions of health law. While their contributions are countless and immeasurable, these reflections offer a start.

When we conceptualized this symposium, Roe v. Wade1 was still the law of the land, albeit precariously. We aimed to commemorate its fiftieth anniversary by exploring historical, legal, medical, and related dimensions of access to abortion as well as the challenges ahead to secure reproductive justice. With the leak of the U.S. Supreme Court’s decision in Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization on May 2, 2022, we shifted to mark the dawn of a new era. In the nearly identical official opinion announced on June 24, 2022,2 Justice Samuel Alito, writing for the majority (6-3), overturned Roe and Planned Parenthood of Southeastern Pennsylvania v. Casey.3

Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health continues a trajectory of U.S. Supreme Court jurisprudence that undermines the normative foundation of public health — the idea that the state is obligated to provide a robust set of supports for healthcare services and the underlying social determinants of health. Dobbs furthers a longstanding ideology of individual responsibility in public health, neglecting collective responsibility for better health outcomes. Such an ideology on individual responsibility not only enables a shrinking of public health infrastructure for reproductive health, it facilitates the rise of reproductive coercion and a criminal legal response to pregnancy and abortion. This commentary situates Dobbs in the context of a long historical shift in public health that increasingly places burdens on individuals for their own reproductive health care, moving away from the possibility of a robust state public health infrastructure.

A health justice approach requires a progressive critique of expertise. This article considers two recent high-profile cases – the mask mandate and medication abortion -- to understand how we should think the mobilization of expertise in the context of public health law. Following from this, the article offers news ways to better understand how to think of the relationship between health law, expertise, and politics.

This study analysed the reported incidence of COVID-19 and associated epidemiological and socio-economic factors in the WHO African region. Data from COVID-19 confirmed cases and SARS-CoV-2 tests reported to the WHO by Member States between 25 February and 31 December 2020 and publicly available health and socio-economic data were analysed using univariate and multivariate binomial regression models. The overall cumulative incidence was 1846 cases per million population. Cape Verde (21 350 per million), South Africa (18 060 per million), Namibia (9840 per million), Eswatini (8151 per million) and Botswana (6044 per million) recorded the highest cumulative incidence, while Benin (260 per million), Democratic Republic of Congo (203 per million), Niger (141 cases per million), Chad (133 per million) and Burundi (62 per million) recorded the lowest. Increasing percentage of urban population (β = −0.011, P = 0.04) was associated with low cumulative incidence, while increasing number of cumulative SARS-CoV-2 tests performed per 10 000 population (β = 0.0006, P = 0.006) and the proportion of population aged 15–64 years (adjusted β = 0.174, P < 0.0001) were associated with high COVID-19 cumulative incidence. With limited testing capacities and overwhelmed health systems, these findings highlight the need for countries to increase and decentralise testing capacities and adjust testing strategies to target most at-risk populations.

Audience members asked questions regarding specific practices and in particular circled around the question of other ways forward—what other practices should be used to hold actors accountable for violence, especially the often still locally neglected problem of violence against women, as well as violence against people with diverse or stigmatized gender and sexual expressions and identities.

My comments today seek to highlight how social and economic rights advocates, particularly those concerned with the right to health, engage with ongoing debates about the role of criminal law in human rights. In particular, I emphasize how many “right to health” campaigns fight for the decriminalization of laws that result in the arrest of marginalized communities or health workers. This trend within right to health advocacy complicates what has been called the anti-impunity turn in human rights. In other words, although many scholars have correctly highlighted the rise of a carceral agenda in human rights, there is also ongoing, and perhaps growing, emphasis on decriminalization in the context of social and economic rights. This presentation gives a brief overview of the fight for decriminalization in the context of the right to health, highlights the challenges faced by advocates of in those campaigns, and reflects on some cautionary tales emerging from these fights for decriminalization.

Space weather encompasses understanding how the near-space environment responds to forces from lower-atmosphere weather systems as well as conditions on the Sun. Although the specific effects of space weather (including power grid failures, communication outages, and navigation errors when using space-based navigation systems such as GPS) are local in nature, understanding and predicting their occurrence requires a global view of the environment. Here we initiated a first attempt to link one solar event which occurred on 2014 February 25, and affected the Earth’s upper atmosphere.

This paper presents the thermospheric winds and temperature properties measured with a Fabry-Pérot interferometer (FPI) over Oukaimeden observatory (31.2°N, 7.8°W, 22.8°N magnetic) in Morocco. After Three years of successful functioning from 2014 to 2017, we can address the seasonal behavior of the temperature and the winds (vertical, zonal and meridional). The dependence of the thermospheric winds and temperature on the solar cycle is also presented. The day-to-day variations of the quiet time wind pattern exhibits the importance of other type of waves superposed to the main diurnal tides. The storm time wind and temperature exhibits also a variety of ways to react to the storm. However, there is seasonal effect to the storm that will be illustrated in this paper. The signature of the MTM phenomenon is also present in the winds and temperature in geomagnetically quiet and disturbed nights. The occurrence of this phenomenon over the studied area is also addressed.

In her article Exploitation Creep and the Unmaking of Human Trafficking Law, Janie Chuang insightfully describes transformations in the discourse on trafficking as it shifted from sex trafficking to human trafficking, and as human trafficking came to be understood as forced labor, and now modern day slavery. With each of these transformations, the United States government, self-anointed “global sheriff” of anti-trafficking efforts, deepened its emphasis on a prosecution-oriented strategy focused on individual perpetrator accountability. As an alternative trajectory, Chuang identifies and convincingly argues for a labor-rights approach that takes into consideration the structural causes of exploitation in the labor market, including poverty, unemployment, discrimination, and conflict.

Shifting laws and regulations increasingly displace the centrality of women’s needs in the provision of abortion services. Lawmakers and judges contribute to this environment in two ways: by protecting the right of “Crisis Pregnancy Centers” (CPCs) to give false and misleading information about abortion and by supporting legislation mandating that abortion providers give misleading and unnecessary information for the purposes of informed consent. Litigation on informed consent is further complicated through the mobilization of facts — such as the gestational age or sonogram of the fetus — delivered with the intent to dissuade women from accessing abortion. In other words, factual information utilized for ideological purpose.

First Amendment litigation has done little to help prioritize women’s access to appropriate information about abortion that is calibrated to their needs.

For another thing, the division of medical opinion about the matter at most means uncertainty, a factor that signals the presence of risk, not its absence. That division here involves highly qualified knowledgeable experts on both sides of the issue.—Stenberg v. Carhart, 20001

While we find no reliable data to measure the phenomenon, it seems unexceptionable to conclude some women come to regret their choice to abort the infant life they once created and sustained.—Gonzales v. Carhart, 20072