The chronology of borrowing is investigated; Latin words were being borrowed much earlier than previously thought, with less borrowing in the late antique period than previously argued. Republican-era borrowings(especially in Polybius andinscriptions) are given particular attention. Latin words first (or exclusively) attested in Greek are noted. The survival of the ancient loanwords is examined, first within antiquity, then in the Byzantine period (when some additional Latin words were borrowed), and finally in modern Greek. The borrowing and survival rates of Latin loanwords in Greek are compared with those of Greek loanwords in Latin.

The findings of previous chapters are pulled together, and new directions for research suggested.

The distribution of loanwords between papyri, inscriptions, and literature is investigated: more appear in literature than in other sources, but papyri have the highest density of Latinisms. Local and regional loanwords existed, and these can be seen not only in papyri and inscriptions, but also in literature, which preserves traces of loanwords specific to the city of Rome. Special attention is paid to the New Testament (especially Acts of the Apostles), Atticising writers (especially Athenaeus and Lucian), the Edict of Diocletian, Roman historians, medical writers (especially Galen), Hesychius, the antiquarian John Lydus, and texts on Roman law (especially Theophilus Antecessor, the Scholia Sinaitica, and Modestinus).

This chapter consists of a lexicon of all Latin loanwords in Greek, as well as many of the codeswitches and words that have been claimed to be Latin borrowings but do not meet our criteria for loanwords (because they are very rare, unintegrated, marked as foreign, not necessarily ancient, not necessarily derived from Latin, semantic extensions, superseded readings, etc.). Evidence for (or against) considering the word a Latin loanword is provided, with references to further discussions (both elsewhere in this book and in other scholarship).

The scope of the investigation is clarified: ‘ancient Greek’ refers to extant texts in the Greek language written before AD 600, ‘Latin’ excludes other languages of ancient Italy, and ‘loanword’ includes derivatives of borrowings but excludes codeswitches and semantic extensions. The criteria for distinguishing loanwords from codeswitches are investigated, with a focus on frequency, integration, and not being marked by Greek speakers as foreign.

Previous claims of suffix borrowing are investigated, particularly for -arius, -aria, -arium, -ianus, -atum, -atus, -ensis, -tor, -ator, -atio, -ura, -inus, and -ella. Some of these were borrowed, others werenot, and in a few cases Greek speakers had not borrowed a suffix but believed that they had done so. Not all Latinate suffixes found in Byzantine and modern Greek go back to antiquity.

The main questions about Latin loanwords in Greek are raised, with the help of a passage from Athenaeus, and the evidence that will be used to answer them is explained.

What is a word? Are names (of people, places, gods, buildings, etc.) words? In antiquity spelling was not standardised, and gender, suffixation, and inflectional categories could also be variable: what kind of divergences indicate that a variant form found in an ancient source should be considered a distinct word from other related forms? Although such questions cannot be definitively answered, the approach taken in this book is clarified and justified by detailed comparison with other lexica.