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This volume of the Haskins Society Journal furthers the Society's commitment to historical and interdisciplinary research on the early and central Middle Ages, especially in the Anglo-Saxon, Anglo-Norman, and Angevin worlds but also on the continent. The topics of the essays it contains range from the curious place of Francia in the historiography of medieval Europe to strategies of royal land distribution in tenth-century Anglo-Saxon England to the representation of men and masculinity in the works of Anglo-Norman historians. Essays on the place of polemical literature in Frutolf of Michelsberg's Chronicle, exploration of the relationship between chivalry and crusading in Baudry of Bourgeuil's History, and Cosmas of Prague's manipulation of historical memory in the service of ecclesiastical privilege and priority each extend the volume's engagement with medieval historiography, employing rich continental examples to do so. Investigations of comital personnel in Anjou and Henry II's management of royal forests and his foresters shed new light on the evolving nature of secular governance in the twelfth centuries and challenge and refine important aspects of our view of medieval rule in this period. The volume ends with a wide-ranging reflection on the continuing importance of the art object itself in medieval history and visual studies. Contributors: H.F. Doherty, Kathryn Dutton, Kirsten Fenton, Paul Fouracre, Herbert Kessler, Ryan Lavelle, Thomas J.H. McCarthy, Lisa Wolverton, Simon Yarrow.
‘I got in with the ugly crowd, a crowd of serious deadbeats, lowlifes, unrepentant no-good punks…’
Barack Obama, on campaign in 2008
The words of the forty-fourth president of the United States, referring to the members of the US Senate, would have been instantly recognized and admired by twelfth-century writers of political narrative, as an instance of facetia, the demonstration of an urbane wit intended to oil the cogs of a tightly wound, fast-moving, court society. Over the last three decades, there has been an increasing accumulation of scholarly discussion on the nature, function, and historical significance of this social world and the place of gender within it. Much of it has been written, explicitly or implicitly, in response to Norbert Elias' classic, The Civilizing Process, which was published in 1939 but much more widely consulted after its English translation decades later. There Elias argued that it was the courts of early modern European monarchs that first came to act as powerful mechanisms for regularized competition and political cohesion by taming the fiercely independent and volatile instincts and activities of warrior elites.
A grand claim with a specific chronology, like the rise of the ‘middling sort’, or the discovery of the individual, or the emergence of emotional commitment within the family, Elias' thesis threw down a gauntlet of modernization theory irresistible to medievalists. C. Stephen Jaeger was one of the first to claim courtliness for the medieval period, by tracing its origins back to tenth-century Germany and the Ottonian ‘courtier bishop’.
These associated articles offer exploratory investigations into constructions of masculinity at the courts of the Anglo-Norman kings as contributions to the larger study of gender in the Anglo-Norman realm. Using contemporary chronicle accounts, each examines representations of men and masculine behaviour at the royal court during the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Recent historiography has seen this period as critical in the emergence of courtly behaviour and ideas. Much of this has been in response to Norbert Elias' great book, The Civilizing Process, which saw the courts of early modern European monarchs as focal points for the diffusion of civilized behavioural norms that helped stabilize the state as a whole. It was C. Stephen Jaeger, however, who first investigated how Elias' thesis related to the Middle Ages and ultimately challenged the Elias narrative. For Jaeger the great moment and mechanism of social change was to be found not in the early modern period but in late tenth-century Ottonian Germany. It was here in the figure of the courtier bishop that Jaeger traced how a new social code, devised from classical models, allowed the court to be identified as a civilizing institution that helped promote political cohesion. Despite their chronological differences both Elias and Jaeger are concerned with larger historical narratives and debates concerning the role of the court within the transformation of the state and the nation.
The institutional emphasis on distinctions between the elite and the ordinary faithful is a feature of a number of religions. Such distinctions permit rich and diverse forms of exchange across the lines they demarcate, not simply reducible to economic models of explanation, but subject to symbolic and cultural negotiation. These exchanges fostered social ideals, implicit understandings and modes of behaviour that helped to make hierarchy in complex societies appear cohesive, normative and consensual. But a danger exists in confusing the normative value of these exchanges as represented in writing with the material and ideological effects towards which they worked. In the absence of popular religious thoughts and feelings, which Christopher Brooke rightly reminds us ‘have left little memorial for posterity’, we are left with the discursive claims made in historical sources on behalf of elite and popular distinctions. My aim in this paper is to explore the implications of this for the study of the cult of the saints in twelfth-century England. I will argue that in such interpretive conditions, any discussion of these matters in terms of elite and popular religion risks losing sight of the discursive function of these texts and of the wider understandings and negotiations that lie behind them.