¹ The best discussion of Ts'ai's activities as chancellor and his role in the New Culture Movement is still Tse-tsung's, Chow The May Fourth Movement (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1960).Google Scholar Also see Te-chung, Sun, ‘Wu-ssu ai-kuo yun-tung chi-yao' (Record of the May Fourth Patriotic Movement), in Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei Hsien-sheng Ch'uan-chi (The Complete Works of Mr Ts'ai Yuan-'pei), (Taipei: Commercial Press, 1968), p. 1103. This volume will hereafter be cited as CC.Google Scholar

² There are a number of discussions of different facets of this complex problem. See for example Schwartz, Benjamin ‘Some Polarities in Confucian Thought’, in Nivison, David S. and Wright, Arthur F. (eds.), Confucianism in Action (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1959).Google Scholar Also see Feuerwerker's, Albert comments to K. C. Liu's article ‘Nineteenth Century China: the Disintegration of the Old Order and the Impact of the West’, in Tsou, Tang and Ho-Ping-ti, (eds.) China in Crisis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1968), Vol. I, Book 1, pp. 179–93.Google Scholar

³ Schwartz, , ‘Some Polarities…’, pp. 54–7.Google Scholar

⁴ Chang, Hao, ‘Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and Intellectual Changes in the Late Nineteenth Century’, Journal of Asian Studies, XXIX, No. 1 (11 1969), pp. 23–34.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

⁵ ‘Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei Hsien-sheng nien-chi’ (A Chronology of Mr Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei), in T'sai Yuan-p'ei Yen-hsing-lu (The Life and Works of Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei), (Shanghai: Kuang-yi Ch'u-pan-she, 1932), p. 7.Google Scholar

⁶ Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, ‘Chi Shao-hsing Chih-hui ti san-ta-yuan’ (Recollection of the Three Great Desires of the Shao-hsing Study Society), CC, p. 646.Google Scholar

⁷ Two sources for Ts'ai's revolutionary activities are Shih-hui, Huang, ‘Ts'ai Chieh-min Hsien-sheng chuan-lueh’ (A Biography of Mr Ts'ai Chieh-min), in Te-chung, Sun (ed.), Ts'ai Tuan-p'ei Hsien sheng I-wen Lei-ch'ao (A Selection of the Posthumous Writings of Mr Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei), (Taipei: Fu-hsing Shu-chü, 1961), pp. 541–59,Google Scholar and Weng, Chih, ‘Ts'ai Chieh-min ti chin-pao yu feng-ko’ (Ts'ai Chieh-min's Sensitivity and Character), CC, pp. 1554–6.Google Scholar

⁸ Huang Yen-p'ei claims that Ts'ai asked him to take over his party duties in Shanghai, explaining that he felt that he could better serve the country in education. See Shang-ssu, Ts'ai, Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei Hsueh-shu Ssu-hsiang Chuan-chi (A Scholastic and Intellectual Biography of Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei), (Shanghai: T'an-ti Ch'u-pan-she, 1950), p. 408.Google Scholar

⁹ This decision had been pending for several years, and finally materialized when Ts'ai was able to receive outside financing. See Weng, Chih, p. 1558.Google Scholar

¹⁰ Huang, , p. 543.Google Scholar

¹¹ For an extended discussion of this issue, see Schwartz, Benjamin, In Search of Wealth and Power: Yen Fu and the West (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964), pp. 98–112.Google Scholar

¹² Levenson, Joseph R., Liang Ch'i-ch'ao and the Mind of Modern China (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1953), p. 117,Google Scholar Liang, citing, Tzu-yu Shu, 45.24b.Google Scholar

¹³ Ch'i-ch'ao, Liang, ‘Hsin-min-i’ (The New Morality), Yin-ping-shih Ch'uan-chi (Complete Works from the Ice-drinker's Studio), (Taipei: Ta-tung shu-chü, 1964), pp. 68–113.Google Scholar

¹⁴ A discussion of Tsou Jung's thought is located in Ch'eng-hsien, Tu, ‘Tsou Jung ti ssu-hsiang chi ch'i tsai Chung-kuo hsien-tai ke-ming-shih shang chih ti-wei’ (Tsou Jung's Thought and his Position in the History of the Contemporary Chinese Revolution), in Hsiang-hsiang, Wu (ed.), Chung-kuo Hsien-tai-shih Ts'ung-k'an (A Selection of Writings on Modern Chinese History), (Taipei: Chung-cheng shu-chü, 1960), pp. 200–3.Google Scholar

¹⁵ Sun's views on democracy and nationalism are well known. Some of his comments on the relationship of a strong nation-state with individual liberty can de found in Hsu, Leonard S., Sun Yat-sen: His Political and Social Ideals (University Park: Southern California Press, 1933), especially pp. 242–3 and 288–97.Google Scholar Another expression of this view can be found in Chiang Monlin's comment as cited by Gasster, Michael, Chinese Intellectuals and the Revolution of 1911 (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1969), pp. 35–6. Many students in Japan seemed to share Tsou Jung's hope that democracy and a strong nation were not incompatible.Google Scholar See Scalapino, Robert A., ‘Prelude to Marxism: The Chinese Student Movement in Japan, 1900–1910’, in Feuerwerker, Albert et al. (eds.) Approaches to Modern Chinese History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1967), pp. 190–215.Google Scholar

¹⁶ For a discussion of the anarchist movement in France, see Scalapino, Robert A. and Yu, George T., The Chinese Anarchist Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1961).Google Scholar

¹⁷ Kropotkin's, theory is found in Mutual Aid (New York: McClure Phillips, 1902).Google Scholar

¹⁸ A good illustration of this view is found in his ‘Chung-kuo ti wen-i chung-hsing’ (China's Literary and Artistic Rejuvenation), CC, pp. 809–10.Google Scholar

¹⁹ For an expression of Kropotkin's materialistic view, see his ‘Modern Science and Anarchism’, in Baldwin, Roger N. (ed.), Kropotkin's Revolutionary Pamphlets (New York: Benjamin Blom, 1968).Google Scholar

²⁰ Ts'ai, ‘Tsai Hsin-chiao-tsu-yu-hui chih yen-shwo’ (Speech at the Religious Freedom Conference), CC, pp. 724–5.Google Scholar

²¹ Ts'ai's translation is located in CC, pp. 252–99.Google Scholar

²² Paulsen, Friedrich, Introduction to Philosophy (Thilly, Frank trans.), (New York: Henry Holt, 1895), p. 217.Google Scholar

²³ Paulsen's, ethics are given detailed treatment in his System of Ethics (Thilly, Frank trans.), (New York: Scribner's, 1899).Google Scholar

²⁴ A brief exposition of his philosophical views can be found in his ‘Tui-yu chiaoyu-fang-chen chih i-chien’ (My Views on the Aims of Education), CC, pp. 452–8.Google Scholar A more detailed expression of his philosophy is located in his Che-hseuh Ta-kang (Introduction to Philosophy), (Shanghai: Commercial Press, 1931).Google Scholar

²⁵ Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei, ‘Shih-chieh-kuan yu jen sheng-kuan’ (World-view and Life View), CC, pp. 461–2. The argument is hardly convincing, and is an indication of his sometimes slipshod approach to historical analysis.Google Scholar

²⁶ Ts'ai, ‘Tui-yu chiao-yu…’, CC, p. 454.Google Scholar

²⁷ Ts'ai, Che-hseuh Ta-kang, p. 69.Google Scholar

²⁸ Schwartz, , In Search…, pp. 98–112.Google Scholar

²⁹ Ts'ai, ‘Tui-yu chiao-yu…’, CC, pp. 452–8.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid., p. 453.

³¹ Ibid., p. 455.

³² His new morality was rejected in favour of the traditional five relationships, the section related to world-view education was deleted, and decentralization was not accepted. In 1915, even the perfunctory gesture to aesthetics was eliminated. There was no love lost between Ts'ai and President Yuan Shih-Kai.Google Scholar

³³ Ts'ai enjoyed quoting the Mencian injunction that the people are of primary importance (kuei), and the monarch is secondary (ch'ing).Google Scholar

³⁴ Ts'ai, ‘I-wu yu ch'uan-li’ (Responsibilities and Privileges), CC, pp. 786–8; ‘She-chi wei ch'ün’ (Sacrifice Yourself for the Group), CC, pp. 181–2.Google Scholar

³⁵ Ts'ai Shang-ssu, p. 153.Google Scholar

³⁶ Ts'ai, ‘Pei-ching Ta-hsueh chih chin-te-hui chih-ch'ü-shu’ (The Essential Meaning of the Society for the Promotion of Virtue at Peking University), CC, p. 469.Google Scholar

³⁷ He made this point on several occasions. See, for example, ‘Wo tsai Pei-ching Ta-hsueh ti ching-li’ (My Experience at Peking University), CC, p. 633. In a speech in Hunan Province in February 1921, he elaborated on his views regarding student riots: ‘After May 4, society greatly respected students, but many ill effects have appeared more recently. The students have begun to think of themselves as omnipotent, and often think they have the right to interfere with society on all sorts of political matters…Students cannot by themselves resolve the problems of a nation, since a student movement is always on the outside, so they cannot directly solve all problems. Therefore, frequent movements are unnecessary…’, ‘Tui-yu shih-fan-sheng ti hsi-wang’ (Hopes for a Model Life), in Ts‘ai Yuan-p’ei Hsuan-chi (A Selection of the Writings of Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei), (Peking: Chung-hua Shu-chü), p. 178.Google Scholar

³⁸ Ts'ai, ‘Min-kuo shih-erh-nien i-yueh, erh-shih-san-jih wei Lo Wen-kan tsao fei-fa tai-pu-an k'ang-i hsuan-yen’ (A Declaration of Protest against the Illegal Arrest on 23 January 1922 of Lo Wen-kan), CC, pp. 541–3.Google Scholar

³⁹ Hu Shih supported his action, but Ch'en Tu-hsiu felt it was a useless gesture. See Hu Shih, ‘Ts'ai Yuan-p'ei shih hsiao-chi ma?’ (Does Ts'ai Yuan-'pei have a Negative Attitude?), in Nu-li Chou-pao (Struggle Weekly), No. 40 (4 02 1923).Google Scholar

⁴⁰ For details of this programme, see Sakai, Robert, ‘Politics and Education in Modern China’ (Unpublished Ph.D. dissertation: Harvard, 1953), p. 144.Google Scholar

⁴¹ See Linden, Allen B., ‘Politics and Education in Nationalist China’, Journal of Asian Studies, XXVII, No. 4 (08, 1968).Google Scholar

⁴² This viewpoint was expressed in a number of articles and speeches. See, for example, his ‘Chung-kuo wen-i…’, CC, pp. 809–10.Google Scholar

⁴³ This, and other factors, have prompted one thoughtful observer to conclude that Ts'ai's philosophy of synthesizing the values of all cultures was, in reality, a ‘balm for cultural defeatism’. Levenson, Joseph R., Confucian China and its Modern Fate: The Problem of Intellectual Continuity (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1958), pp. 110–14. Levenson relies on earlier indications of Ts'ai's attitude toward Eastern and Western values, but I think that his criticism is most appropriate at this period of Ts'ai's intellectual development.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Ibid., p. 107.

⁴⁵ See his interview with the reporter of Time magazine, CC, pp. 907–8.Google Scholar

⁴⁶ The best indication of his views on this topic is ‘Tsai Tu-wei Po-shih liu-shih sheng-jih wan-ts'an-hui shang chih yen-shwo ts'e’ (Speech at the Banquet Celebrating the Sixtieth Birthday of Doctor Dewey), CC, pp. 682–3.Google Scholar