The value of marriage and motherhood in the list of life goals among women appears to remain high in many countries (Poston and Trent, 1982; Polit, 1982). It is usually argued that such values need no demonstration in Asian, Latin American or African traditional cultures, but that it is the exposure to Western or “modern” values that undermines the importance of marriage and motherhood. Yet, contrary to popular notions, women in Western cultures are not necessarily inclined to shun marriage and motherhood. In her study, Mothers in Transition, Eakins reports that “there is an overwhelming mandate in the United States for women to become mothers regardless of trends in technology” (1983: 69). Reviewing studies on the subject, she found that “even childless women perceive children to be an essential component of marriage”, and for most American women it is evident that “motherhood has accompanied wifehood and vice versa”; therefore, on the issue of having children, “the only choices involved had to do with timing” (1963: 61-63).

These findings are confirmed by Thornton and Freedman (1983: 16) who, based on their analysis of population figures in the United states, declared that “Although parenthood has become more optional, there is no evidence of an embracement of childlessness. Substantial proportions of Americans continue to value parenthood, believe that childbearing should accompany marriage, and feel social pressure to have children”. In another study, Thornton and Freeman report that “marriage continues to be valued by the majority of young Americans.…More than 90 per cent expect to marry and there has been almost no decline in that proportion since 1960” although marriage appears to be more important for young women than young men (1986: 30).

International data on marriage and childbearing testify that both marriage and parenthood are very important goals in the life of the adult person in modern societies.