Introduction

While the theory of a participatory body politic developed in Chapter 3 may have been able to account for the practical and theoretical reality of a third type of political body, it failed to understand on what basis such revolutionary bodies would be able to connect to one another and assemble a larger global alternative to neoliberalism. If the conditions of revolutionary political bodies are singular and non-representational, on what basis can such heterogeneous political conditions share a common affinity or belonging? To what degree can this inclusive model of political participation, argued for in Chapter 3, be practically extended into a worldwide revolutionary movement? Does one condition or body politic simply swallow another in larger and larger spheres of participation, or do they exist in parallel?

Defined as the connection between two or more heterogeneous political conditions, what I am calling revolutionary political affinity confronts two dangers. On the one hand, it risks being synthesised into a single global condition under which heterogeneous conditions can communicate, but only as particular elements under a larger representational condition (the affinity of citizenship within nation-states, the unequal/vertical affinity between allied and axis nations and so on).