Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction by Jeremy Jennings
- Select bibliography
- Chronology
- Biographical synopses
- Note on the text
- Note on the translation
- Reflections on violence
- Introduction: Letter to Daniel Halévy
- Foreword to the third edition
- Introduction to the first publication
- I Class struggle and violence
- II The decadence of the bourgeoisie and violence
- III Prejudices against violence
- IV The proletarian strike
- V The political general strike
- VI The ethics of violence
- VII The ethics of the producers
- Appendix I Unity and multiplicity
- Appendix II Apology for violence
- Appendix III In defence of Lenin
- Index
- Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought
II - The decadence of the bourgeoisie and violence
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 05 June 2012
- Frontmatter
- Contents
- Acknowledgements
- Introduction by Jeremy Jennings
- Select bibliography
- Chronology
- Biographical synopses
- Note on the text
- Note on the translation
- Reflections on violence
- Introduction: Letter to Daniel Halévy
- Foreword to the third edition
- Introduction to the first publication
- I Class struggle and violence
- II The decadence of the bourgeoisie and violence
- III Prejudices against violence
- IV The proletarian strike
- V The political general strike
- VI The ethics of violence
- VII The ethics of the producers
- Appendix I Unity and multiplicity
- Appendix II Apology for violence
- Appendix III In defence of Lenin
- Index
- Cambridge Texts in the History of Political Thought
Summary
I. Parliamentarians who have to inspire fear. – Parnell's methods. – Casuistry; fundamental identity of the parliamentary socialist groups.
II. Degeneration of the bourgeoisie brought about by peace. – Marx's conceptions of necessity. – Part played by violence in the restoration of former social relationships.
III. Relation between revolution and economic prosperity. – The French Revolution. – The Christian conquest. – Invasion of the barbarians. – Dangers that threaten the world.
It is very difficult to understand proletarian violence as long as we try to think in terms of the ideas disseminated by bourgeois philosophy; according to this philosophy, violence is a relic of barbarism which is bound to disappear under the progress of enlightenment. It is therefore quite natural that Jaurès, who has been brought up on bourgeois ideology, should have a profound contempt for the people who praise proletarian violence; he is astonished to see educated socialists in agreement with the syndicalists; he wonders by what extraordinary act of bad faith men who have proved themselves thinkers can accumulate sophisms in order to give the appearance of reason to the dreams of stupid people who are incapable of thought. This question greatly worries the friends of Jaurès, who are only too willing to treat the representatives of the new school as demagogues and to accuse them of seeking the applause of the impulsive masses.
Parliamentary socialists cannot understand the ends pursued by the new school; they imagine that ultimately all socialism can be reduced to the means of getting into power.
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- Chapter
- Information
- Sorel: Reflections on Violence , pp. 65 - 86Publisher: Cambridge University PressPrint publication year: 1999