Book contents
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Preface
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Governance, political accountability and service delivery
- 3 The political economy of development
- 4 The viability of a sustainable social pact
- 5 The evolution of state–civil society relations
- 6 South Africa and the world
- 7 What is to be done?
- 8 Reinterpreting democratic and development experiences
- Frequently used acronyms and abbreviations
- Endnotes
- References
- Index
5 - The evolution of state–civil society relations
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 May 2019
- Frontmatter
- Dedication
- Contents
- Preface
- 1 Introduction
- 2 Governance, political accountability and service delivery
- 3 The political economy of development
- 4 The viability of a sustainable social pact
- 5 The evolution of state–civil society relations
- 6 South Africa and the world
- 7 What is to be done?
- 8 Reinterpreting democratic and development experiences
- Frequently used acronyms and abbreviations
- Endnotes
- References
- Index
Summary
Two very different visions permeate public discourse on state– civil society relations in South Africa. The first is well illustrated by the words of Zola Skweyiya who, when he was minister of social development, responded to a question about government's expectation of NGOs as follows:
The basic twin expectations of government are that NGOs will firstly, continue to act as monitors of the public good and safeguard the interests of the disadvantaged sections of society. This performance of this social watch role requires both transparency and accountability on the part of NGOs. The government's second expectation is that NGOs will assist in expanding access to social and economic services that create jobs and eradicate poverty among the poorest of the poor. This requires cost effective and sustainable service delivery. (Zola Skweyiya quoted in Barnard and Terreblanche, 2001: 17)
The second vision is succinctly captured in the words of Ashwin Desai, an academic at the University of Johannesburg and one of the more prominent public intellectuals within the new social movements that have emerged in the post-apartheid era.
For many of the activists … working in different spaces and having different strategies and tactics, there was a binding thread. There was unmitigated opposition to the economic policies adopted by the ANC … Activists spoke of how the right-wing economic policies lead to widespread and escalating unemployment, with concomitant water and electricity cut-offs, and evictions even from the ‘toilets in the veld’ provided by the government in the place of houses. More importantly, there was general agreement that this was not just a question of short-term pain for long-term gain. The ANC had become a party of neo-liberalism. The strategy to win the ANC to a left project was a dead end. The ANC had to be challenged and a movement built to render its policies unworkable. It seems increasingly unlikely that open confrontation with the repressive power of the post-apartheid state can be avoided. (Desai, 2002: 147)
Both statements draw attention to some of the key problems in post-apartheid South Africa and express a wish to enhance the empowerment and living conditions of the poor. Both statements also reflect the institutional locations – in government and in civil society – of those who articulated them. But the absolute and categoric nature of what they envisage makes both statements unhelpful in conceptualising and understanding contemporary state–civil society relations.
- Type
- Chapter
- Information
- South Africa's Suspended RevolutionHopes and Prospects, pp. 139 - 166Publisher: Wits University PressPrint publication year: 2013