¹ The Emergence of Modern Turkey (Oxford University Press, 1961)Google Scholar. See especially his Introduction : The Sources of Turkish Civilization, pp. 1–17.

² Herskovits, Melville J., “Does ‘Africa’ Exist?” Symposium On Africa (hereafter referred to as Symposium), Wellesley College, Wellesley, Mass., 1960, p. 15 Google Scholar.

³ Speech to the 15th Session of the United Nations General Assembly, 23 September 1960. Publication of the Permanent Mission of Ghana to the United Nations, p. 9.

⁴ See NBC Script of “The Nation's Future,” December 3, 1960, N.B.C. Television Debates.

⁵ Symposium, op. cit., p. 16.

⁶ Ibid.

⁷ Speech to 15th Session of U.N. General Assembly, op. cit., p. 9.

⁸ “The Prospects for Atlantic Union,” The Times (London), 02 2, 1962 Google Scholar.

⁹ Preface, I Speak of Freedom (London: Heinemann, 1961), p. xiii Google Scholar.

¹⁰ A distinguished African philosopher argued at a meeting in Oxford recently that a state of independence was a state of nature—and one to be “gained” only because it had been lost, certainly not as something new.

¹¹ The Times, January 19, 1962.

¹² “Africa's Place in the World,” Symposium, op. cit., p. 149. For brief analysis of his argument see my article “Why Does an African Feel African?”, The Times (London), 02 17, 1962 Google Scholar, reproduced in Canada in The Globe and Mail, February 22, 1962.

¹³ Nasser, Gamal Abdul, The Philosophy of the Revolution (Economica English edition, Buffalo, 1959), p. 74 Google Scholar. A discussion of the limits of Nasser's role in Africa occurs in my article in African Affairs (Journal of the Royal Institute of African Affairs, 1963) entitled “Africa and the Egyptian's Four Circles.”

¹⁴ Indeed, that the Indians considered one another “fellow Indians” at all was, to a great extent, an outcome of their shared colonial experience too. But fellow Asians was much too sophisticated. As Iain Lang observed in a review in The Sunday Times (London, 02 25, 1962)Google Scholar “If you were to tell a Punjabi peasant or a Malay fisherman that he was an Asian he would be most unlikely to know what you were talking about.” Sherwood, Roy (Peace News, London, 03 1962)Google Scholar even moralises on the subject, saying: “A regrettable survival of colonialist thinking is the lumping together of all the non-white peoples of the Indian and Pacific Oceans under the comprehensive term ‘Asians’.” The phenomenon is discussed in Michael Edwardes' Asia in the Balance (A Penguin Special), 1962. No less significant, however, was the phenomenon of “Asian” jubilation over the 1905 Japanese victory over Russia.

¹⁵ An African Survey, Revised 1956 (Oxford University Press, 1957), p. 252 Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Such clubs or hotels could, of course, carry either the double-negative sign of “No non-Europeans admitted” or the sign “Europeans only.” But a country like South Africa would present complications since Japanese, though geographically “non-Europeans,” were legally “white.” Official South African terminology prefers to call their black citizens “Bantu,” but Albert Luthuli, in his Nobel Prize lecture, asserted his own preference for the term “African.” Kenya certainly needed also a proper name for the “blacks” more acceptable than “natives.” Nor was the stratification in Kenya simply between “White” and “non-White.” For example, three scales of pay used to prevail—“European,” “Asian” and “African”—just as three types of lavatories, schools and the like were provided. Even further sub-divisions were observed in some instances, but these are less relevant to this discussion.

¹⁷ Symposium, op. cit., p. 149.

¹⁸ An African Survey, op. cit., p. 255. The small High Commission territories are indeed extreme examples of this, but this only puts them at one end of the scale.

¹⁹ Johnson, Frank, “United States of Africa.” Pan-Africa, Vol. 1, No. 6 (06 1947)Google Scholar. See esp. pp. 3–4. The journal included at the time among its “Associate and Contributing Editors” Kwame Nkrumah and Jomo Kenyatta.

²⁰ Johnson, Frank (reproduction of above article), Voice of Africa, Vol. 1, No. 4 (Accra, 04, 1961)Google Scholar.

²¹ Education in African Society, Colonial No. 186, 1944, p. 55.

²² A strong, radically nationalist trend has existed within at least the younger generation of Nigerians. Following the 1962 Commonwealth Prime Ministers' Conference speculation in Britain started as to why the Nigerian Government, with all its pragmatism, rejected out of hand a proposal for associate membership in the E.E.C. Walter Schwarz, speaking on the European Service of the British Broadcasting Corporation in October, 1962, suggested that “Nigeria's Government, always open to attack from its own youth for being too lukewarm about its nationalism, simply finds it politically impossible to lag behind Ghana on this issue.” See also my article, “African Attitudes to the EEC,” International Affairs (London, 01, 1963)Google Scholar. Visiting newsmen to Nigeria once discovered at a special meeting with young Nigerians at Nsukka that most of the youth were strongly in favour of Nkrumah's brand of militant African nationalism, without by any means necessarily coupling it with hero-worship for Nkrumah. One reference to this meeting appeared in the New York Times, March 3, 1962. Of course, the radicalism of youth is not peculiar to African countries; but young people are a stronger pressure group in the new states than in some of the older ones.

²³ Speech to 15th Session of General Assembly, op. cit.

²⁴ See my article “Edmund Burke and Reflections on the Revolution in the Congo,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, 01, 1963 Google Scholar.

²⁵ Commonwealth Journal (London, Royal Commonwealth Society), Vol. 4, No. 6 (11-12, 1961), p. 254 Google Scholar.

²⁶ There ia some ambivalence about this. It is permissible, at least as an ideal, to unite two complete countries. But a change of frontiers that would, say, make Ghana bigger and Togo smaller, and still leave two countries independent, is unacceptable to most Africans. In such a case, most Africans would agree with the U.N. representative of the Ivory Coast who put forward the policy of accepting the territorial limits obtaining at the time of independence at least “in order to avoid internecine wars which might jeopardize the independence just acquired with such difficulty.” (UN Document A/PV.1043, October 27, 1961). The Brazzaville group is clearly unenthusi-astic about any radical or immediate unification measures; but this distinction between changing colonial frontiers by complete integration and changing them by partial annexation would be accepted by many of even the most radical Pan-Africanists.

²⁷ Morisby, Edwin S., ”Politics of African Unity: No longer Tail to the Asian Dog?,” Manchester Guardian, 01 2, 1959 Google Scholar.

²⁸ “Africa's Destiny,” Africa Speaks, eds. Duffy, James and Manners, Robert A. (Princeton, 1961), p. 35 Google Scholar.

²⁹ “ … the idea of government as an institution began to take hold of some African ‘agitators’ such as myself, who had been reading Abraham Lincoln and John Stuart Mill …”—Nyerere, “The African and Democracy,” Africa Speaks, op. cit., p. 33.

³⁰ Saul K. Padover makes a somewhat different claim—that a great interest in Jefferson had emerged abroad after a long period of ignorance. See his “‘Jefferson Still Survives …’”, New York Times Magazine, 04 8, 1962, p. 28 Google Scholar.

³¹ “We hold with Abraham Lincoln, that ‘… When the white man governs himself, that is self-government, but when he governs himself and also governs another man, that is more than self-government—that is despotism.’ … ‘Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it’.”—Platform of the American Anti-Imperialist League, October 17, 1899, reprinted in Great Issues in American History, ed. Hofstadter, Richard (New York, Vintage Books, 1961), vol. II, p. 203 Google Scholar.

³² Zik's speech to graduates of Storer College, Harpers Ferry, West Virginia, on the occasion of his receiving the honorary degree of Doctor of Literature, June 2, 1947. See ZIK (Cambridge University Press, 1961), p. 83 Google Scholar.

³³ “Africa Struggles with Democracy,” New York Times Magazine, 01 21, 1962. p. 10 Google Scholar.

³⁴ Huxley's, Elspeth correspondence with Margery Perham was published as a book, Race and Politics in Kenya (London, Faber and Faber, 1944)Google Scholar, with an introduction by Lord Lugard. Eighteen years later, when it was a question of white settlers' rights as against the British Government rather than of their rights as against the Africans, the two women were at last in agreement. “Having often disagreed over Kenya's affairs,” they said in their joint letter to The Times (London, 07 5, 1962)Google Scholar “we now find ourselves in harmony about one issue—the claims of the European farmers for compensation”—from the British Government.

³⁵ Nationality in History and Politics (New York, Oxford University Press, 1944), pp. 12–13 Google Scholar.

³⁶ Representative Government, ed. McCallum, R. B. (Oxford, Basil Blackwell, 1946), p. 291 Google Scholar.

³⁷ Hodgkin, Thomas and Schachter, Ruth, “French-Speaking West Africa in Transition,” International Conciliation, No. 528 (05, 1960), p. 387 Google Scholar.

³⁸ “West Africa in Evolution,” Foreign Affairs, Vol. 39 (01, 1961), p. 244 Google Scholar.

³⁹ See Africa 1962, No. 15, July 27, 1962, p. 4.

⁴⁰ “West Africa in Evolution,” op. cit., p. 243.

⁴¹ Contrat Social (1st version). See Vaughan, C. E., The Political Writings of J. J. Rousseau (Cambridge, 1915), vol. I, p. 453 Google Scholar.

⁴² Pan-Africa, Vol. 1, No. 6, 06, 1947, p. 7 Google Scholar. White Man's Country is the title of a famous book by Elspeth Huxley about Lord Delamere's Kenya. At the time Mrs. Huxley was convinced that there was not even such a thing as an “African,” and she was therefore something of a precursor of Herskovits. As late as 1950 she was being taken to task by an ‘African’ in these terms: “On the evidence of the many varied ethnic groups which exist in Africa, she (Mrs. Huxley) asserted that there was no such thing as an African. This assertion was made during a radio debate with Leonard Woolf. One wonders why an entity that did not exist had to be debated.” Dr.Cudjoe, S. D., Aids to African Autonomy (London, The College Press, 1950), p. 23 Google Scholar.

⁴³ Reported in Mombasa Times (Kenya), 01 11, 1962 Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ The phrase is from Dr. Azikiwe's message to President Nkrumah on the occasion of Ghana's fifth anniversary as an independent state. See The Times (London), 03 7, 1962 Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Nationalism in Colonial Africa (London, Frederick Müller, 1956), p. 172 Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Ibid.

⁴⁷ Obote's stand on the Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland, was the more interesting because, while he refused to recognise the present Government of the Federation, he was nevertheless against the Federation's dissolution—a stand which put him almost in a class by himself among African nationalists.

⁴⁸ This means more than “Mr. African”; it has deeper connotations of respect. On its own the Swahili word Bwana can loosely be translated as “Sir.” On October 14, 1961, Jomo Kenyatta said: “Non-Africans who still want to be called ‘Bwana’ should pack up and go, but others who are prepared to live under our flag are invited to remain.” On January 28, 1962, the price of being welcome in Kenya was raised a little higher. It was no longer enough that the immigrant should cease to expect “Bwana” for himself: “I want Europeans, Asians and Arabs to learn to call Africans ‘Bwana.’ Those who agree to do so are free to stay,” said Kenyatta, . The Times (London)Google Scholar aired a controversy—with distinguished Africaniste taking part—on what Kenyatta really meant by his demand. The Sunday Times (London) carried a controversial article by Tom Stacey on June 3, 1962, on the subject. By that time Kenyatta himself had explained that he was demanding respect rather than servility from the Kenya European. The quest for this “respected image of Bwana Mwafrika” can conflict with “freedom” in some sense. See my article “Consent, Colonialism and Sovereignty,” Political Studies, Vol. 11, No. 1 (02, 1963)Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ In his address to his compatriots on the occasion of the Congo's independence. Like many another African nationalist, he would have addressed the rest of the continent in similar terms. A translation of the speech is reproduced under the title “The Independence of the Congo” in Africa Speaks, op. cit., The phrase occurs on page 93.