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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
In October, 1797, the indios principales of the Andean pueblo of Muñani appealed to the royal court in Cusco to depose their governor, or cacica, Doña María Teresa Choquehuanca. Not challenging hereditary Choquehuanca rule, they instead focused on María Teresa's incompetence and her sex, complaining of “the miseries that we have suffered with [her] inappropriate entry into the cacicazgo,” adding that “on account of her distinct sex she should by justice be deposed, because she is not worthy of so estimable an office.” That office was central to the indigenous politics of colonial Peru, the legal and administrative ordering of which placed most of the Indian population in relatively autonomous, land-owning “pueblos de indios” over which the cacique, responsible for collecting the crown's tribute and maintaining order, presided as something between a chief and a lord. As the village leaders in a parallel, popular tradition that reserved its authority for men, Muñani's principales asserted that this bastion of elite indigenous authority ought not be held by a woman. But they made clear that it sometimes was: María Teresa had governed Muñani for five years. Nor was she alone. Cacicas governed pueblos and ayllus throughout the Andes, and it was quite common for the husbands of cacical heiresses to rule in their names.
My sincere thanks to the three readers from The Americas and to Michael Breen for their excellent and helpful comments; and to Helen Nader and Bianca Premo for their generous responses to out-of-the-blue inquiries. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the Sexto Congreso Internacional de Etnohistoria in Buenos Aires, as part of the Simposio de Política, Autoridad, y Poder, and I am greatly indebted to the coordinators, commentators, panelists and audience for their questions and suggestions. And, once again, my deepest thanks to Donato Amado and Margareth Najarro in Cusco, who made this archival project possible. Research for this paper was generously supported by the Social Science Research Council, Reed College, and the Michael E. and Carol S. Levine Foundation.
1 I use “cacique” (and “cacica”) rather than “curaca” or “kuraka,” as this was the usage in eighteenth- century documents. In colonial Andean communities, caciques were responsible for tribute collection and maintaining order, and played a dominant role in the communal economy. Widely used by the eighteenth century, the term applied to individuals ranging from the college-educated hereditary governor of a pueblo more than 1000-strong, and the illiterate tribute collector of an ayllu with 40 inhabitants, and thus imposes an artificial uniformity on a wide array of offices, individuals, and communities. As this article argues, cacicas tended to appear in communities with well-established hereditary hierarchies, although these included both small, noble ayllus among Cusco’s Incas and the large pueblos and moieties of the Titicaca basin. For the cacique and colonial indigenous society, Spalding, Karen, Huarochirí: An Andean Society Under Inca and Spanish Rule (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1984);Google Scholar de Diez Canseco, María Rostworowski, Curacas y sucesiones, Costa Norte (Lima: Minerva, 1961);Google Scholar Stern, Steve J., Peru’s Indian Peoples and the Challenge of Spanish Conquest: Huamanga to 1640 (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1982);Google Scholar Rementería, Carlos J. Díaz, El cacique en el virreinato del Perú: estudio histórico-jurídico (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 1977);Google Scholar Rivera, Silvia, “El Mallku y la sociedad colonial en el siglo XVII: el caso de Jesús de Machaca” Avances [La Paz] 1 (1978): 7–27;Google Scholar Saignes, Thierry, Caciques, Tribute and Migration in the Southern Andes: Indian Society and the Seventeenth Century Colonial Order (London: University of London, 1985);Google Scholar Miguel Glave, Luis, Trajinantes: Caminos indígenas en la sociedad colonial, siglos XVI y XVII (Lima: Instituto de Apoyo Agrario, 1989);Google Scholar Wachtel, Nathan, Le Retour des Ancêtres: Les Indiens Urus de Bolivie XXeme-XVIeme siècle: Essai d’Histoire Régressive (Paris: Gallimard, 1990);Google Scholar Pease, Franklin, Curacas, reciprocidad y riqueza (Lima: Pontificia Universidad Católica del Perú, 1992);Google Scholar Choque Canqui, Roberto, Sociedad y economía colonial en el sur andino (La Paz: Hisbol, 1993);Google Scholar Godoy, Scarlett O’Phelan, Kurakas sin sucesiones: Del cacique al alcalde de indios, Perú y Bolivia 1750–1835 (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1997);Google Scholar Powers, Karen, Andean Journeys: Migration, Ethnogenesis and the State in Colonial Quito (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995);Google Scholar Ramírez, Susan, The World Upside Down: Cross-Cultural Contact and Conflict in Sixteenth-Century Peru (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1996);Google Scholar Stavig, Ward, The World of Túpac Amaru: Conflict, Community and Identity in Colonial Peru (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1999);Google Scholar Andrien, Kenneth J., Andean Worlds: Indigenous History, Culture, and Consciousness under Spanish Rule, 1532–1825 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001);Google Scholar Thomson, Sinclair, We Alone Will Rule: Native Andean Politics in the Age of Insurgency (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2002);Google Scholar Serulnikov, Sergio, Subverting Colonial Authority: Challenges to Spanish Rule in the Eighteenth-Century South Andes (Durham: Duke University Press, 2003);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Elizabeth Penry, S., “Transformations in Indigenous Authority and Identity in Resettlement Towns of Colonial Charcas (Alto Perú)” (PhD Diss., University of Miami, 1996);Google Scholar Garrett, David T. Shadows of Empire: The Indian Nobility of Cusco, 1750–1825 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005),CrossRefGoogle Scholar particularly pp. 34–38 for the variety within cacical office.
2 “…las miserias que hemos sufrido con el postizo ingreso … al cacicazgo … ella por su distinto sexso se deve por justicia deponerla que no es digno de este empleo tan recomendable. …” ARE, PRA 343. The Choquehuancas ruled Azángaro Anansaya from before the conquest to independence. Altuve Carrillo, Leonardo, Choquehuanca y su arenga a Bolívar (Buenos Aires: Planeta, 1991), pp. 41–6.Google Scholar
3 Variously a village, neighborhood, clan, or extended family, the ayllu is the basic unit of Andean society, a grouping of people, bound by kinship, for productive and reproductive purposes. Before the Spanish reducciones of the 1570s, successful ayllus were distributed across space in numerous settlements; the colonial ayllu, as legally defined, was a land-holding, corporate entity and a constituent part of a larger parish or pueblo. The pueblo is a village or town established by the Spanish, composed of congregated ayllus. For the ayllu, Piatt, Tristan, “Mirrors and Maize: the Concept of Yanantin among the Macha of Bolivia” pp. 228–259 in Anthropological History of Andean Polities, eds. Murra, John V., Wachtel, Nathan, and Revel, Jacques (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986).Google Scholar
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10 Mangan, Jane E., Trading Roles: Gender, Ethnicity and the Urban Economy in Colonial Potosí (Durham: Duke University Press, 2005);CrossRefGoogle Scholar Burkett, Elinor, “Indian Women and White Society: The Case of Sixteenth-Century Peru,” pp. 101–128 Google Scholar in Lavrin, Asunción, ed., Latin American Women: Historical Perspectives (Westport: Greenwood Press, 1978);Google Scholar Rostworowski, María, La mujer en Perú prehispánico (Lima: Instituto de Estudios Peruanos, 2001);Google Scholar Salomon, Frank, “Indian Women of Early Colonial Quito as Seen through their Wills,” Americas 44:3 (January 1988), pp. 325–41;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Gauderman, Kimberly, Women’s Lives in Colonial Quito: Gender, Law, and Economy in Spanish America (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2003);Google Scholar Zulawski, Ann, “Social Differentiation, Gender and Ethnicity: Urban Indian Women in Colonial Bolivia, 1640–1725,” Latin American Research Review 25:2 (1990), pp. 93–113;Google Scholar Graubart, , With Our Labor and Sweat; Silverblatt, Moon, Sun, and Witches, pp. 109–124;Google Scholar Garofalo, Leo J., “The Ethno-Economy of Food, Drink, and Stimulants: The Making of Race in Colonial Lima and Cuzco” (PhD Diss., University of Wisconsin, 2001).Google Scholar
11 Rostworowski de Diez Canseco, Curacas y Sucesiones; Pease, Curacas, reciprocidad y riqueza; Ramírez, Susan, “The ‘Dueño of Indios’: Thoughts on the Consequences of the Shifting Bases of Power of the ‘Curacas Viejos Antiguos’ under the Spanish in Sixteenth Century Peru,” Hispanic American Historical Review 64:4 (November, 1987): pp. 575–610 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Powers, Andean Journeys; Stern, Peru’s Indian Peoples; O'Phelan Godoy, Kurakas sin sucesiones; Spalding, “Social Climbers”; Garrett, , Shadows of Empire, pp. 148–180.Google Scholar And, for seventeenth-century concerns about cacical legitimacy, see de Ayala, Felipe Guarnan Poma, Nueva Coronica y Buen Gobierno, ed. by Murra, Juan V. and Adorno, Rolena. Mexico (City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1980), p. 768.Google Scholar
12 Garrett, Shadows of Empire; Cahill, David and Tovías, Blanca, eds., Elites indígenas en los Andes: Nobles, caciques y cabildantes bajo el yugo colonial (Quito: Ediciones Abya Yala, 2003).Google Scholar
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14 Cahill, From Rebellion to Independence, 157–159.
15 “Indian” is used to refer to those so classified legally, on the basis of bilateral Indian ancestry: they constituted the “república de indios.” “Spaniard” refers to everyone else: those in the “república de españoles.” “Creoles” were people of Spanish ancestry born in Peru. Many “creoles” were in fact mestizo, but this term had derogatory social and economic implications in the colonial period.
16 Unanue, Hipólito, Guía política, eclesiástica y militar del virreynato del Perú para el año de 1793. Ed. with prologue by Durand, José (Lima: COFIDE, 1985), pp. 89–90.Google Scholar
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19 Doña Catalina Salas y Páchacutic, an Inca noblewoman from Zurite with no hereditary claims to the offices, held the cacicazgos of Yanaoca and Layo. ARC, N18, 292 Zamora: 402–13, 21–10–1785.
20 Rostworowski, Curacas y Sucesiones; Silverblatt, , Moon, Sun, Witches, pp. 20–108;Google Scholar D’Altroy, Terence A., The Incas (Oxford: Blackwell, 2000), pp. 103–8;Google Scholar Urton, , History of a Myth, pp. 41–70.Google Scholar
21 Grabuart, , “Con Nuestro Trabajo,” pp. 281–90;Google Scholar Silverblatt, , Moon, Sun and Witches, pp. 150–3.Google Scholar See also Diez, Alejandro, Pueblos y cacicazgos de Piura, siglos XVI y XVII (Piura: Biblioteca Regional, 1988), pp. 45–6;Google Scholar Noawack, Kerstin, “Aquellas señoras del linaje real de los Incas: Vivir y sobrevivir como una mujer inca noble en el Perú colonial temprano,” pp. 9–54 in Canili, and Tovías, , Elites indígenas en ios Andes.Google Scholar
22 “… desde que se descubrieron las provincias del Perú ha estado en posesión y costumbre entre los indios caciques de que los hijos suceden a los padres en los cacicazgos, y mi voluntad es que la dicha costumbre se conserve y guarde.” Díaz Rementería, El cacique en el virreinato del Perú, p. 218.
23 “[A los cacicazgos] se heredan por sucesión de padres a hijos, hermanos, y parientes más próximos, siendo legítimos. . .” (22 February 1602). Rementería, Diáz, El cacique en el virreinato del Perú, p. 218.Google Scholar
24 Graubart, , With Our Labor and Sweat, pp. 164–6.Google Scholar
25 ARC, INT, RH, 218 ( 1807), f. 6r for Caycay’s cacique in the 1750s basing his claim on that of his grandmother, Doña Ana Cusimayta y Espinoza, “cacica principal y gobernadora que fue en la provincia de Paucartambo.” ARC, RA, Ord., 27 (1798), f. 22r, for seventeenth-century documents recognizing the claims of “Doña Cathalina Sisa, casica que fue en propiedad” in Maras. Whether these claims are accurate is, of course, not certain, but that they were made to establish the legitimacy of later cacical claimants suggests their political value; see Powers, “A Battle of Wills.”
26 ARC, RA, Ord., 31 (1798), ff. 62–75.
27 “Como es verdad que en los Pueblos y lugares de distrito de la mencionada Provincia ay costumbre de que sucedan las hembras en los casicasgos.…” ARC, RA, Ord., 31 (1798), ff. 60r.
28 Dominga Quispe Guarnan, Isidora Díaz, Juana Uclucana, María Ramos Tito Atauchi, and Martina Chiguantupa. ARC, RA, Ord., 31 (1798), ff. 62. “… sin que aiga embarazo, esto es sin saber leer, ni escribir.”
29 ARC, RA, Ord., 31 (1798), ff. 73 “… en los Pueblos de esta Provincia como en las demas que a falta de Barones gobiernan las mugeres los Casicasgos, esto es siendo acreedoras por linea recta y que nadie ignora desta costumbre.”
30 ARC, RA, Ord., 31 (1798), f. 68 “… por costumbre assi en esta provincia como en otras subceder a las hembras en los casicasgos y gobernar por ellas mismas.”
31 In 1732 the corregidor concluded that “ser costumbre el que hereden y subsedan hembras en los casicasgos de dicha villa” of Maras. ARC, RA, Ord., 27 (1798), f. 50r. Also Don Miguel Guaypartupa’s attempt to regain the cacicazgo of Lamay, in the name of his wife. ARC, AUD, Ord., 18 (1795).
32 ARC, N18, 133 Juan Bautista Gamarra, n/f, n/d. Doña Sebastiana Bustinza Yaurec Arisa hija lexitima de Don Jospeh Bustinza ya difunto y de Doña Melchora Yaurec Arisa que al presente vive governadora de dichos ayllos en quien recayó dho ayllo a falta de varon desde sus antepasados, y … recae dho gov.no en la dha mi muger lex.ma … de consentim.to y beneplasito [de Doña Melchora] por hallarse ya de abansada hedad fui nombrado por tal casique interino y confirmado por el Rl y Sup.r Gov.no de estos Reynos, hasta en el interim que tenga susesion de varon o de hembra.…”
33 Sahuaraura was killed leading the royalist regiment of Cusco’s Inca nobles in the first major battle of the rebellion, at Sangarará.
34 ARC, RA, Ord., 31 (1798), ff. 62–75.
35 ARC, CAB, Ped., 116 (1787’1799).
36 “al clamor de los naturales” ARC, Int. Gob, 147.
37 “a pesar de su sexo” BNP, C-1705.
38 ARC, RA, Ord., 31 (1798), f. 18v “… es costumbre ynconcuza e ymmemorial no succedan las hembras en este Gobierno.”
39 Graubart, , With Our Labor and Sweat, pp. 158–185 Google Scholar passim for the political deployment of pre-conquest custom” in cacical succession battles.
40 For women’s informal role in village politics, see Taylor, William B., Drinking, Homicide and Rebellion in Colonial Mexican Villages (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1979), pp. 116–7;Google Scholar and Stern, , The Secret History of Gender, pp. 204–8.Google Scholar
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43 AAC, II-7-128; ARC, COR, Ped., 90 (1756) for the trade dispute involving Doña Phelipa Pilleo Sisa; ARC NOTI 8, 133 Juan Bautista Gamarra, 133 n/f, 23 August 1758 for the will of Doña Tomasa Ramos Tito Atauchi; n/f, 12 February 1777 and n/f, 20 October 1745 for Doña Antonia Loyola Cusitito Atauyupanqui and Doña Catalina Sutapongo.
44 See above, nl9.
45 Campbell, Leon G., “Women and the Great Rebellion in Peru, 1780–1783,” The Americas 42:2 (1985), pp. 163–96.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Colección Documental del Bicentenario de la Revolución Emancipadora de Túpac Amaru, ed. by Flórez, Luis Durand (Lima: 1980), IV: pp. 14, 20–25, 42, 188–208.Google Scholar
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48 “… algunos daños y maltrato ... y que por lo tanto temen entrar a su casa con el servicio que es costumbre.…” ARC, RA, 14 (1794).
49 Caciques and other male nobles were also subjected to extreme and ritualistic violence; Szeminski’s findings suggest some gendering to the actions, although descriptions in any detail are scarce. Perea, Gilberto Salas, Monografía Sintética de Azángaro (Puno: Editorial Los Andes, 1966), p. 22;Google Scholar Szeminski, Jan, “Why Kill the Spaniard? New Perspectives on Andean Insurrectionary Ideology in the 18th Century” in Stern, Steve J., ed., Resistance, Rebellion, and Consciousness in the Andean Peasant World, 18th to 20th Centuries (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987), p. 171.Google Scholar
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52 For gender and ethnic identity in twentieth-century Cuzco, de la Cadena, Marisol, ‘“Women are More Indian’: Ethnicity and Gender in a Community near Cuzco” pp. 329–348 in Ethnicity, Markets and Migration in the Andes: At the Crossroads of History and Anthropology, ed. by Larson, Brooke and Harris, Olivia (Durham: Duke University Press, 1995).Google Scholar
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57 For references to cacical couples collectively as the “los caciques gobernadores” of their community, see ANB, EC-1793-11 (Chucuito); ARC, N18 110 Joseph Bernardo Gamarra, 3 July 1785, f. 710 (Oropesa); ARC, ATJD, Ord., 33 (1799) (Juli).
58 Elizabeth Perry, Mary, Gender and Disorder in Early Modem Seville (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 14–20.Google Scholar And, of course, Lope de Vega’s Fuenteovejuna and Calderón de la Barca’s El alcalde de Zalamea.
59 Convents offered a partial exception for Spanish women. Burns, Kathryn J., Colonial Habits: Convents and the Spiritual Economy of Cuzco, Peru (Durham: Duke University Press, 1999).Google Scholar
60 ARC, COR, Civ., 29,620.
61 See Premo, Bianca, “From the Pockets of Women: The Gendering of the Mita, Migration, and Tribute in Colonial Chucuito, Peru” The Americas 57:1 (July 2000), pp. 63–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar for concern by the Potosí cabildo that the demographic havoc wrought by the Potosí mita had led to women alcaldes around Titicaca; the absence of archival mention of such women suggests that this was rhetorical hyperbole.
62 A similar contradiction manifested itself in Spain, over women’s inheritance and exercise of seigneurial authority. Berco, Cristian, “Juana Pimentel, the Mendoza Family, and the Crown,” pp. 27–47 Google Scholar in Nader, Helen, ed., Power and Gender in Renaissance Spain (University of Illinois Press, 2004);Google Scholar and the discussion of Leonor de la Vega and Aldonza Téllez de la Vega in Andrew Villalon, L.J., “The Anatomy of an Aristocratic Property Dispute, 1350–1577” (PhD Diss., Yale University, 1984).Google Scholar
63 For the municipalidad, Nader, Helen, Liberty in Absolutist Spain: The Habsburg Sale of Towns,f 1516–1700 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990), pp. 17–45.Google Scholar
64 Men in the “república de indios” fell into a number of legal categories, which were simplified in the eighteenth century. The most common was that of originario, an adult man under 50 who was a full member of the community in which he lived and had access to communal land; in return he owed trib-ute and was responsible for communal burdens (most onerously, from Canas y Canchis south, the mining mita to Potosí). Reservados were those over 50 who, in theory, received less land and did not pay tribute or owe labor service. Forasteros were migrants, who had left their own communities and settled elsewhere, who were responsible for lower tribute and exempt from the mita, but did not have formal access to communal lands. Nobles were exempt from tribute and personal service; the source of nobility could be written concession by the crown, or custom. In addition, every community had its “principales,” usually noble or originarios, who generally spoke for the community and from whom elective officers were drawn.
65 Stern, , The Secret History of Gender, pp. 151–215;Google Scholar Thomson, We Alone Will Rule.
66 “… los Caziques principales, no le entremetan en las eleciones de los Alcaldes y Regidores y demas oficiales de la Republica … no elijan al Cazique ni segunda persona para Alcalde o Regidor.” de Ballesteros, Thomas, Tomo primero de las ordenanzas del Perú (Lima: Francisco Sobrino y Bados, 1752, Book II, Title I, Ordenanzas v-vi.Google Scholar
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68 Thomson, , We Alone Will Rule, pp. 27–63.Google Scholar
69 ANB, EC-1762-144; ARC, COR, Prov., Crim., 84 (1745–73) for Mamani of Marangani.
70 For politicking around interim cacicazgos, ANB, EC-1780-58 (Hulloma, Pacajes); and ARC, RA, Adm., 167 (1808–9) for the 1759 cacical election in Ñuñoa.
71 Also ARC, COR, Prov., Ord., 76 (1780–84), for Don Cristobal Aruni Mollo Apasa’s succession to the cacicazgo of Ayllu Anza in Sicuani in 1761. For migration and the mita in the bishopric, Wightman, Ann, Indigenous Migration and Social Change: The Forasteros of Cuzco, 1520–1720 (Durham: Duke University Press, 1990).CrossRefGoogle Scholar
72 ARC, COR, Prov., Crim., 84 (1745–73); Stavig, , The World of Tupac Amaru, pp. 231–2.Google Scholar
73 With the very limited exception of the ceremonial Inca cabildo in Cusco. Amado, “El alférez real.”
74 Garrett, , Shadows of Empire, pp. 106–13.Google Scholar
75 ANB, EC-1789-80; ARE, PRA, 290.
76 ANB, EC-1773-83; and AGN-A, IX, 31-3-4, f. 103.
77 ANB, EC-1785-23 (for Don Ambrosio Quispe Cavana of Cavanilla and Doña María Ygnacia Chique Ynga Charaja of Pomata); ARC, N18, 124 Joseph Bernardo Gamarra, f. 233 (for Don Bernardo Succacahua of Umachire and the daughter of Don Manuel Garcia Cotacallapa of Usicayos); ARC, N18, 288 Villavisencio, f. 352, 27-02-1778 (for Francisco Succacahua and the daughter of Quiquijana’s principal caciques); below for the Mango Turpa-Chuquicallata alliances.
78 Fernández Chuy in Copacabana (AGN-A, IX, 31-3-4, f. 10); also Quispe Cavana in Pomata, Mango Turpa in Saman, Succacahua in Quiquijana; Garrett, , Shadows of Empire, pp. 131–2.Google Scholar Also Glave, , Vida, Símbolos y Batallas, pp. 117–78;Google Scholar Canqui, Choque, Sociedad y economia colonial; and Rivera, “El Mallku y la sociedad colonial.”Google Scholar
79 We Alone Will Rule, pp. 77–80.
80 Silverblatt, , Moon, Sun, and Witches, pp. 20–66;Google Scholar D’Altroy, , The Incas, pp. 103–6,Google Scholar Bauer, Brian, Ancient Cusco: Heartland of the Inca (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004), pp. 177–9.Google Scholar
81 Garrett, “Los Incas borbónicos.”
82 Garrett, , Shadows of Empire, p. 94.Google Scholar
83 See Table 1, for Belén, Guarocondo, Maras, Guayllabamba, Lamay, Caycay and Oropesa.
84 ARC, COR, Ped., 90 (1753–65).
85 See the copy of his will in the claim to the cacicazgo made by Don Mauricio TJscamayta. ARC, AUD, Ord., 27 (1798).
86 ARC, INT, RH, 211 (1801); ARC, N19 77 Pedro Joaquin Gamarra, f. 584, 16-08-1804; ARC, CAB, Ped., 117 (1800–09); “Indios de sangre real,” Revista del Archivo Histórico del Cusco 1:1 (1950): pp. 211–2.
87 Similarly, in Guarocondo a noble from Urubamba, Don Lorenzo Copa Cusicondor, married Gabriel Guamantica’s half-sister Sebastiana and succeeded their father, Don Joseph Guamantica, while Gabriel occupied the cacicazgo in Santiago through his marriage. ARC, INT, Gob., 133 (1785).
88 ARC, N18, 245 Rodríguez de Ledezma, f. 507, 27 June 1790.
89 ARC, INT, Gob., 139 (1787); ARC, CAB, Ped., 116 (1787–99).
90 Garrett, , Shadows of Empire, pp. 60–71.Google Scholar During that period the Indian population went from 120,000 to 240,000.
91 ANB, EC-1793-11 (Chucuito); Villanueva Urteaga, Horacio, ed., Cuzco 1689, Documentos: economía y sociedad en el sur andino (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1982), pp. 195 (Anta) and 397 (Guaquirca).Google Scholar
92 For Don Tomas Escalante and Doña Ana Tito Condemayta of Acos, ARC, NI 8, 258 Joseph Tapia Sarmiento, f. 357, 6 May 1767. Ana was succeeded by Doña Tomasa Tito Condemayta, who also married a creole (Don Faustino Delgado) but is described as the “cacica gobernardora” in her own name. For Delgado, , Godoy, Scarlett O’Phelan, Un siglo de rebeliones anticoloniales: Perú y Bolivia 1700–1783 (Cusco: Centro Bartolomé de Las Casas, 1988), p. 315.Google Scholar
93 O’Phelan Godoy, Un siglo de rebeliones anticoloniales; Thomson, We Alone Will Rule; Serulnikov, Subverting Colonial Authority; Cahill, From Rebellion to Independence in the Andes; Walker, Smoldering Ashes; Garrett, Shadows of Empire.
94 Fisher, John R., Government and Society in Colonial Peru: The Intendant System, 1784–1814 (London: University of London, Athlone Press, 1970).Google Scholar
95 ANB, EC-1797-46 for the decree.
96 ARE, PSG, 158. “… siendo que el objeto principal … en el nuevo sistema de govierno … es el de crear caciques Espanoles en cada partido y sus respectivos pueblas.”
97 Garrett, , Shadows of Empire, pp. 183–210.Google Scholar
98 ARC, INT, Gob., 150 (1800–1802), Catea. “… sin título, concepto, ni autoridad de cacique, ni tener otra alguna superioridad en los naturales. …” In practice, the recaudador retained the privileges and authority of the cacique.
99 ARC, INT, Gob., 147 (1796–7); Acomayo. “… que el oficio de Recaudador de Tributos es un empleo Público, ageno de desempeñarse por Mugeres.”
100 Garrett, , Shadows of Empire, pp. 218–21, 233–44.Google Scholar
101 In August, 1781, rebel armies captured the pueblo of Sorata, a refuge of royalist creoles and Indian nobles from the areas north and east of Titicaca; the ensuing massacre decimated the region’s indigenous elite. Other Mango Turpas intermarried with the Chuquicallata, hereditary caciques of Saman and San Taraco. ANB, EC-1786-175; ARE PSG, 149 (1790). Don Mariano Quispe Cavana (son of Antonio of Cavanilla) married Doña María Rosario Llaclla Garcia Paca, an orphaned cacical heiress from Juli, and served as cacique there in the 1790s; ARE, PRA, 386 (1797); ARE, PRA, 299 (1796).
102 See also Guarocondo and Pucyura: ARC, INT, Gob., 133 (1785); ARC, INT, RH, 202 (1798).
103 ARC, RA, Ord., 18 (1795); ARC, N18, 181 T.S. Gamarra, 17 July 1799.
104 See Sebastián Unzueta’s unsuccessful attempt to be named cacique of Taray after Rita Tamboguacso’s death in 1798; the proprietary claim of their children was acknowledged. ARC, AUD, Ord., 31 (1798).
105 ARC, AUD, Ord., 6 (1790) and 9 (1791).
106 Table 1; also ARC, INT, Gob., 142 (1790) for Captain Narsiso Valdeiglesias (husband of Doña Martina Tito Sutic Callapiña) in Pacarectambo; ADP, INT, 35; ARC, AUD, Ord., 33 (1799) for the husbands of Pacoricona heiresses in Lampa and Calapuja; AGN, DI, 574 for the son-in-law of the late Don Andres Calisaya as cacique of Tiquillaca; ARC, AUD, Ord., 30 (1798) and Ord. 33 (1799); ARC, AUD, Admin. 161 (1801–02); for the creole husbands of two heiresses in Juli. Also Cahill, , From Rebellion to Independence, 157–9.Google Scholar
107 ABN, EC, 1805-19 and EC, 1807–11.
108 AAC, LXIV-4-62, 1808 for Doña Petrona Sinanyuca’s divorce proceedings in which she insisted that she had married her creole husband only to hold onto the family cacicazgo in Coporaque.
109 Szeminski, “Why Kill the Spaniard?”; Thomson, We Alone Will Rule; Garrett, Shadows of Empire.
110 Vila, Sala i, Y se armó el tole tole, pp. 118–27.Google Scholar
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112 ARC, PRA, 170. Both families had been staunch defenders of the crown in the rebellion.
113 ARE, PRA, 139 and 320.
114 ARE, PSG, 180.
115 Garrett, , Shadows of Empire, pp. 226–7,Google Scholar 246–7, 253–4.
116 BNP, Man., D-6075.
117 Jacobsen, Nils, Mirages of Transition: The Peruvian Altiplano, 1780–1930 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), pp. 122–4.Google Scholar
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