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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 December 2015
The Spanish American Empire in its last half century of existence experienced an economic resurgence in oceanic shipping and inter-change with Europe. That prosperity, prompted by the reforms of the enlightened Bourbon monarch, Charles III, produced an unexpected result. Non-Spanish immigrants appeared in ever increasing numbers in Spain's American colonies. That immigration, almost always illegal, had always occurred in the colonial era in spite of the many barriers erected to exclude foreigners. Now, searching for economic opportunities, these immigrants participated in the economic revitalization of Spanish America.
For the most part these newcomers posed no threat to the state; and often by virtue of their commercial expertise or skilled labor, were a boon to Spanish American economic life. Unofficially, imperial officials were well aware of this. The major concern, regardless of official statements, was that immigrants profess the Catholic faith. Many of the newcomers soon acquired families in the New World, pursued their own ends, and quietly melded into Spanish American society. Certainly that proved to be the case in the Rio de la Plata. In this vast region, until the creation of the Viceroyalty in 1776, Spanish authority had been loose and the small foreign presence was generally tolerated or just ignored.
I wish to thank Thomas Lyle Whigham for his aid in the preparation of this article.
1 For the concern that was felt about foreigners’ passage to the Indies and their residence in the Spanish New World, see Recopilación de leyes de los Reynos de las Indias (Madrid, 1681, reprint 1973), Titulo 27 of Libro Nono in volume IV, pp. 11–16. Royal orders of the eighteenth century attempted to reinforce these existing laws but were of doubtful effect.
2 A good overall study of changes during the last half century of the colonial Río de la Plata is Lynch, John, Spanish Colonial Administration, 1782–1810. The Viceroy ally of the Río de la Plata (London, 1958),Google Scholar passim.
3 García Belsunce, César A. (ed.), Buenos Aires, 1800–1830.1. Su gente (Buenos Aires, 1976), pp. 99–101;Google Scholar and Johnson, Lyman L. and Socolow, Susan, “Population and Space in Eighteenth Century Buenos Aires,” in Robinson, David J. (ed.), Social Fabric and Spatial Structure in Colonial Latin America (Ann Arbor, 1979), pp. 347–353.Google Scholar
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6 Viceroy Marqués de Sobremonte to Governador-Intendente Lázaro de Ribera of Paraguay, Buenos Aires, October 3, 1804 in Archivo Nacional de Asunción (Paraguay), Sección Histórica, volume 194. Hereafter cited as ANA-SH 194.
7 Sobremonte to Ribera, Buenos Aires, October ?, 1804 in ANA-SH 194.
8 Ribera to Sobremonte, Asunción, November 19, 1804 in ANA-SH 195.
9 Bando of Ribera, Asunción, November 17, 1804 in ANA-SH 193.
10 A good, general survey of colonial Paraguay is Cardozo, Efram, El Paraguay colonial: Las raices de la nacionalidad (Buenos Aires, 1959),Google Scholar passim.
11 For the Intendencia of Paraguay see Velázquez, Rafael Eladio, El Paraguay en 1811. Estado político, social, económico y cultural en las postrimerías del período colonial (Asunción, 1965),Google Scholar passim.
12 “Actuaciones del Gob. Riberas, expulsión de la provincia de extranjeros enemigos, 1804–05,” in ANA-SH 193; and “Otro expediente sobre extranjeros avecinados, 1804,” in ANA-SH 194. Unless indicated otherwise, all citations on the foreign population of Paraguay come from these two expedientes.
13 Cardozo, p. 211. Others among those listed as Portuguese-Brazilians may have come from Ygatymí, but only four specifically stated that was their origin.
14 Comandante del Pilar de Ñeembucú Sebastián Esteche to Governor Ribera, Pilar de Ñeembucú, December 22, 1804 in ANA-SH 194.
15 Except for the place names of São Paulo, Lisbon, and Oporto, I have retained the original Spanish version of both names and locations.
16 Tuy was a bishopric, not an archbishopric, but Boi probably knew no better. Rafael Eladio Velazquez suggests that Coene may have been of Jewish origin, but admits it is just speculation on his part. Velázquez, Rafael Eladio, “La sociedad paraguaya en la época de la independencia,” in Cuarto Congreso Internacional de Historia de América (Buenos Aires, 1966), 6, p. 161.Google Scholar
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18 For example, even though their residence in the province might not be given, if certain individuals were involved in the yerba industry and took a good length of time in getting to Asunción for their declarations, it is highly likely their place of residence was the yerba-rich area of Villa Real de la Concepción to the north.
(*denotes sufficient literacy to sign the declaration)
19 For a good, eyewitness description of the yerba industry see J.P., and Robertson, W.P., Letters on Paraguay: comprising an account ofafour years' residence in that republic, under the government of the Dictator Francia (2nd ed.; London, 1839), 2, pp. 134–150.Google Scholar
20 The institution of arrendamientos in colonial Paraguay needs investigation, but for a very brief sketch of that type of lease, see Pastore, Carlos, La lucha por la tierra en el Paraguay (rev. ed.; Montevideo, 1972), pp. 72–73.Google Scholar
21 For instance, while García Rodríguez Francia only declared six slaves and a house in 1804, some five years later at his death he left to his heirs other legacies in silver. Chaves, Julio César, El Supremo Dictador. Biografía de José Gaspar de Francia (4th ed.; Madrid, 1964), pp. 91–91.Google Scholar
22 “Ynformación secreta practicada en esta capital por disposición general de la Real Renta de Tabacos y Naypes,” Francisco de Urdaneta to Governor Joaquin Alos of Paraguay, Buenos Aires, February 13, 1790 in Archivo Nacional de la Asunción, Nueva Encuademación, volume 388. Hereafter cited as ANA-NE 388. Also see “Interrogatorio de la Real Renta de Tabacos,” Asunción, año 1789 in ANA-NE 388 and 449.
23 Governor Bernardo de Velasco of Paraguay to Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, Asunción, May 19,1810 in the Manuel Gondra Manuscript Collection, University of Texas, Austin, Texas, MG 1998f.
24 Saeger, James S., “Survival and Abolition: The Eighteenth Century Paraguayan Encomienda,” The Americas, 38:1 (July, 1981), pp. 78–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
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31 Lieutenant Governor of Misiones Santiago Liniere to Governor Ribera, in “Primer Correo de 15 de Marzo de 1803,” (no date or origin given) in ANA-SH 191.
32 Governor Ribera to Comandante of Villa Real de la Concepción Jose de Espínola, Asunción, May 31, 1805 in ANA-SH 199; and Governor Ribera to Viceroy Sobremonte, Asunción, November 19, 1805 in ANA-SH 199.
33 None of the declarations of the Portuguese-Brazilians state they arrived in Paraguay in this manner, but it would have been odd if none had done so.
34 Lieutenant Governor of Misiones Santiago Liniers to Governor Ribera in “Correo 23 de Junio de 1803,” (no date or origin given) in ANA-SH 190.
35 Governor Bernardo de Velasco to Viceroy Baltasar Hidalgo de Cisneros, Asunción, December 15, 1809 in Archivo General de la Nación (Buenos Aires), IX, 5, 5, #1. That decision reversed the former Viceroy’s (Santiago Liniers) order not to molest the French if they swore loyalty to Spain. Bando of Interim Governor Manuel Gutiérrez, Asunción, October 11, 1808 in ANA-SH 208.
36 De la Cuesta, Juan, “Relación de los Yndividuos Franceses que se hallen…,” Asunción, December 16, 1809 in ANA-SH 208.Google Scholar
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39 “Josefa Antonio Coene de Mora,” in Coinage Valdovinos, José W., “Patricias paraguayas en la documentación histórica,” Revista del Ateneo Paraguayo, II Diciembre de 1963), pp. 7–9.Google Scholar
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