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In the Absence of Priests: Young Women as Apostles to the Poor, Chile 1922–1932

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 December 2015

Gertrude M. Yeager*
Affiliation:
Tulane University, New Orleans, Louisiana

Extract

The Roman Catholic Church in Chile first acknowledged its inability to pastor its flock in the 1920s because of an acute shortage of priests. Alberto Hurtado Cruchaga, SJ addressed the clerical crisis in a 1936 article, La Crisis Sacerdotal en Chile. When critics found his analysis “exaggerated,” he conducted a survey of Chilean religious practices and published the findings in a controversial essay entitled Es Chile un país católico? which is said to have earned him the wrath of the hierarchy because it called attention to the woeful neglect of pastoral duties especially among the rural and working class populations. This empirical data demonstrated that the Catholic Church in Chile had 1615 priests, of whom 780 were secular and 835 regular clergy; of the same 1615 priests 915 were Chilean and 700 were foreigners. There were 451 parishes, some of which contained several towns and villages scattered over a thousand square kilometers with 10,000 parishioners to be ministered to by a single priest. Hurtado's solution—a larger and better-educated clergy—was a long-term solution to an urgent problem that would never be achieved. Something had to be done immediately to keep the faith alive. In the gendered world of Chilean Catholicism, the task of preserving the faith fell to young laywomen.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Academy of American Franciscan History 2007

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References

1 Revista Católica, 29:651 (1 January 1921), pp. 29–43.

2 Bravo, Fidel Araneda, El clero en el acontecer politico chileno 1935–1960 (Santiago: Editorial Emisión: 1988),Google Scholar Chapter 6 “Alarma en el clero conservador,” pp. 35–43 and Alberto Hurtado Cruchaga, SJ, Es Chile un país católico? (Santiago: Editorial los Andes, 1992).Google Scholar

3 Alberto Hurtado Cruchaga, S.J, Humanismo Social (Santiago: Editorial los Andes, 1994), pp. 6667.Google Scholar

4 Edwards published a series of articles in Revista Católica explaining Catholic Social Action, beginning in March, 1921; “Conversando con D. Don Rafael Edwards,” Revista Católica 5 March 1921, pp. 365–501; “Catecismo Social,” trans. Edwards, Por R., Revista Católica, 21:471 (15 March 1921)Google Scholar and “Un catecismo social,” Revista Católica, 21:472 (2 April 1921), pp. 566–575. Edwards was consecrated Obispo Titular de Dodona and Vicario Castrense by Pope Pius XI in 1915. Catholic Action was organized first in Italy in 1918. The best biographical information about Bishop Edwards is his obituary “Homenaje a Su Fundador Y Director. Mons. Rafael Edwards Salas,” Boletín de la Acción Católica Chilena, VI (8 August 1938). In 1921 Edwards was named auxiliary bishop of the Santiago archdiocese. He was attached to the sprawling urban parish of La Estampa and named director of Acción Social Católica. Also see Revista Católica, 21:478 (2 July 1921) for his appointment and “Rostros de Nuestra Historia: El Obispo Rafael Edwards Salas,” Revista Católica (October–December 1988) 88–1080, p. 353.

5 Crescente Errázuriz, “Pastoral sobre la Acción social,” Revista Católica, 21:482 (3 September 1921), pp. 428–437. This pastoral message suggests that he did not share his auxiliary’s enthusiasm for Catholic Social Action. Teresa Ossandón confirmed that in 1926 when Edwards approached Errázuriz to launch Catholic Action the then 87 year-old prelate was not interested, so the plan was shelved. TOG, “Recordando a Mons. Edwards,” Boletín de la Acción Católica, 11:8 y 9 (August/September 1943), p. 213.

6 For a complete bibliography on Leo XIII and Rerum Novarum in Chile, see Espindola, Walter Hanisch, “La Enciclica Rerum Novarum y cuarenta años de su influencia en Chile, 1892–1932,” Anuario de Historia de la Iglesía en Chile (9) 1991, pp. 71103.Google Scholar

7 Revista Católica 29:651 (1 January 1921), pp. 29–43. Through June, July and August, 1921 Edwards published a series of articles that urged the creation of links between students and workers.

8 Escudero, Jaime Caiceo, “Itinerario del social cristianismo en Chile,” Anuario de la Iglesía en Chile, 11 (1993), pp. 85104.Google Scholar Catholic Action in Chile was officially created on the Feast of Christ the King 25 October 1931, p. 93.

9 Valdés, Marciano Barrios, La espiritualidad chilena en tiempos de Santa Teresa de los Andes 1860–1930 (Santiago: San Pablo, 1994)Google Scholar discusses gender and religion in Chile. Barrios Valdés offers an excellent introduction to the feminization of Chilean spirituality between 1890 and 1920. He traces Chilean devotion to the Sacred Heart of Jesus to the arrival of French teaching congregations. When men rejected this feminized version of Christ, the Church introduced the Feast of Christ the King in 1920.

10 New scholarship has abandoned the notion recently popular among social scientists that Protestantism provides a better venue for citizenship training than does Catholicism. The second section of Peterson, Anna, Vásquez, Manuel and Williams’, Philip J., Christianity, Social Change, and Globalization in the Americas (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2001)Google Scholar focuses on citizenship and states that real participation in any church organization, especially in nations with weak social and political organization, groom people for democracy. This idea challenges earlier studies that saw evangelical forms of Christianity and Pentecostalism as voluntary societies that teach skills essential to “civil society” and hence, democracy. Martin, David, Tongues of Fire, the Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America (Cambridge: Basil Blackwell, 1990),Google Scholar Burnett, Virginia Garrard and Stoll, David, Rethinking Protestantism in Latin America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press), 1993 Google Scholar; Garrard Burnett, Virginia, Living in the New Jerusalem (Austin: University of Texas Press), 1998 Google Scholar; Berryman, Phillip, Religion in the Megacity (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1996)Google Scholar; Smith, Brian, Religious Politics in Latin America, Pentecostal vs. Catholicism (Norte Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1998)Google Scholar; Chestnut, Andrew, Born Again in Brazil, The Pentecostal Boom & the Pathogens of Poverty (Rutgers: Rutgers University Press, 1997),Google Scholar his Competitive Spirits: Latin America’s New Religious Economy (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2004), and “The Preferential Option for the Spirit: The Catholic Charismatic Renewal in Latin America’s New Religious Economy,” Latin American Politics and Society 44:1 (2003), on-line version; Sigmund, Paul, Religious Freedom and Evangelization in Latin America, the Challenge of Religious Pluralism (Maryknoll, NY: Orbis, 1999)Google Scholar; Cleary, Edward and Stewart-Gambino, Hannah, eds., Power, Politics, and Pen-tecostals in Latin America (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1997).Google Scholar

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12 Chilean scholarship dates women’s participation in Church-affiliated lay institutions and civil society to the late 1830s: Salinas Campos, Maximiliano A., El laicado católico de la Sociedad Chilena de Agricultura y Beneficencia 1838–1849 (Santiago: Universidad Católica de Chile, 1980),Google Scholar Maza Valenzuela, Erika, “Catholicism, Anticlericalism and the Quest for Women’s Suffrage in Chile,” The Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Working Paper Series, Working Paper 214, December, 1995,Google Scholar and Maza Valenzuela, Erika, “Liberals, Radicals and Women’s Citizenship in Chile, 1872–1930,” The Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Working Paper Series, Working Paper #245, November, 1997.Google Scholar Kim Verba”s, Erika, Catholic Feminism and the Social Question in Chile, 1910–1917: The Liga de Damas Chilenas (Lewiston, NY: Mellen Press, 2003)Google Scholar documents that great numbers of elite Chilean women voluntarily joined and enthusiastically supported the Liga de Damas Chilenas.

13 Vallier, Ivan, “Extraction, Insulation, and Re-entry: Toward a Theory of Religious Change,” in The Church and Social Change in Latin America., Ed. Landsberger, Henry A. (South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1970), pp. 939 Google Scholar; for discussion of the “Ghetto Church” see pp. 18–21.

14 Bravo, Fidel Araneda, El clero en el acontecer político chileno, 1935–1960, p. 126.Google Scholar

15 Bravo, Fidel Araneda, Historia de la iglesía en Chile (Santiago: Ediciones Paulinas, 1986)Google Scholar and El clero en el Acontecer político chileno, 1931–1960 also see Barrios Valdés, Marciano, La espiritualidad en los tiempos del Padre Hurtado, 1931–1961 (Santiago: Universidad Católica Blas Canas, 1994)Google Scholar and “La religiosidad popular en Chile: Intento de periodificación,” Teología y Vida, 17 (1976); Bentué, Antonio, “Elementos metodológicos para una reflexión sobre religiosidad popular,” Teología y Vida, 1 (1977), pp. 23,Google Scholar and Parker, Cristián, “Anticlericalismo y religión popular en la génesis del movimiento obrero en Chile 1900–1920,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología, 49:3 (jul–sept 1987), pp. 185204.Google Scholar

16 Maximiliano, Salinas C., “Cristianismo popular en Chile, Un esquema sobre el factor religioso en las clases subalternas durante el capitalismo oligarquico,” Nueva Historia 3:12 (1984)Google Scholar and Historia del pueblo de Dios en Chile (Santiago: Ediciones Rehue, 1987).

17 Ibid.

18 Collier, Simon, Chile: The Making of a Republic 1830–1865, Politics and Ideas (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2003).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

19 Malbran, Antonieta Maria Huerta, Catolicismo social en Chile, pensamiento y praxis de los movimientos apostólicos (Santiago: Ediciones Paulinas, 1991).Google Scholar

20 Collier, Simon, “Religious Freedom, Clericalism, and Anticlericalism in Chile, 1820–1920,” in Helmstadter, Richard, ed., Freedom and Religion in the Nineteenth Century (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), pp. 302338.Google Scholar

21 Pike, Frederick B., “Church and State in Peru and Chile since 1840: A Study in Contrasts,” American Historical Review 73 (1967), pp. 3050;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Fleet, Michael and Smith, Brian, The Catholic Church and Democracy in Chile and Peru (Norte Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997), pp. 3240 Google Scholar and Collier, Simon, “Religious Freedom in Chile.” The most complete study of the Social Catholic movement in Chile is Antonieta, Huerta M. Maria, Catolicismo social en Chile, pensamiento y praxis de los movimientos apostólicos mentioned in note 21.Google Scholar

22 Gramsci, , “Religion: A Movement and an Ideology,” from Further Selections from the Prison Notebooks, pp. 187.Google Scholar

23 Gramsci, , “Religion: A Movement and an Ideology.” His history of the evolution of Catholic Action through three papacies is concise and informative, pp. 2933.Google Scholar

24 William Luckey, “The Intellectual Origins of Modern Catholic Social Thinking on Economics,” Luckey6.pdf.

25 Morris, James O., Elites, Intellectuals, and Consensus (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1966).Google Scholar

26 Bravo, Fidel Araneda, El clero en el acontecer político chileno, 1935–1960, p. 126.Google Scholar

27 Pike, Frederick B., Conflict between Church and State in Latin America (New York: Knopf, 1964)Google Scholar and Araneda Bravo, Historia de la Iglesia en Chile.

28 Bravo, Fidel Araneda, Oscar Larson, el clero y la política_ (Santiago [s.n.] 1989)Google Scholar, Gomez Ugarte, Jorge, Ese cuarto del siglo, veinticinco años de vida universitaria en la A.N.E.C., 1915–1941 (Santiago: Editoria Andrés Bello, 1985),Google Scholar and Artega, William Thayer, Padre Hurtado y su lucha por la libertad sindical (Santiago: Editorial Andrés Bello, 1999).Google Scholar Palacios, Bartolomé, El Partido Conservador y la Democracia Cristiana (Santiago: Imprenta Nascimiento, 1933).Google Scholar In English see Morris, James O, Elites, Intellectuals, and Consensus.Google Scholar For a different opinion see McGee Deutsch, Sandra, who identifies the Chilean Social Catholic movement with Fascism and Nazism in Las Derechas: The Extreme Right in Argentina, Brazil and Chile, 1890–1939 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1999).Google Scholar

29 Bravo, Araneda, El clero, p. 27.Google Scholar

30 María Antonieta Huerta Malbrán, Catolicismo social en Chile.

31 “Acción Social,” Revista Católica 22:500 (3 June 1922); “Estudios Sociales, La Acción Social Católica,” Revista Católica, 24:558 (1 November 1924).

32 Vallier, Ivan, “Extraction, Insulation, and Re-entry: Toward a Theory of Religious Change,” in The Church and Social Change in Latin America,Google Scholar and Araneda Bravo, El clew en el acontencer politico chileno.

33 Fleischmann, Trinidad Cruz, “La laización de la educación vista desde la prespectiva de la iglesía católica,” Tesis Universidad Católica-Valparaíso, 1988.Google Scholar Also see Escuedero, Jaime Caiceo, “El pensamiento educativo-social en su vertiente Católica en la primera mitad del siglo XX en Chile,” Anuario de Historia de la Iglesía en Chile, 6 (1988), pp. 151193.Google Scholar

34 Escudero, Jaime Caiceo, “Itinerario del social cristianismo en Chile,” Anuario de la Iglesía en Chile, 11 (1993), pp. 85104;Google Scholar Ugarte, Jorge Gomez, Ese cuarto del siglo,Google Scholar and Ojeda, William Thayer, Padre Hurtado y su lucha por la libertad sindical.Google Scholar Also see Revista de la Juventud Católica.

35 Pereira, Maria Teresa, El Partido Conservador, 1930–1964 (Santiago: Fundación Mario Góngora, 1994).Google Scholar

36 The economie crisis of 1932 may have triggered youth to bolt the Conservative Party. de Irárrazabal, Elena Sanchez, Pedro Lira Urquieta 1900–1980 (Santiago: Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile: Facultad de Educacion), 1989;Google Scholar Urquieta, Pedro Lira, El futuro del país y el partido conservador (Santiago,[s.n.] 1934 Google Scholar and Palacios, Bartolomé, El partido conservador y la democracia cristiana (Santiago: Imprenta Nascimiento, 1933).Google Scholar Gúzman, Juan Gallegaillos, “Concepto historiográfico de iglesía y el movimiento obrero chileno a traves de tres historiadores laicos,” Anuario de la Historia de la Iglesía en Chile, 10 (1992), pp. 7584.Google Scholar This essay focuses on the work of James Morris, Ramirez Necochea and Alejandro Magnet who, according to the author, portray the Church as a reactionary institution linked to the Conservative party and fanatic in its defense of religious monopoly. That all Roman Catholics subscribed to the Conservative Party was not true. See Reseña de las convenciones generales del Partido Conservador 1878–1947 (Santiago: Imprenta Chilena,1947) and the works by Palacios, Bartolomé, Ugarte, Jorge Gomez, Piñera, Jose, de Irárrazaval, Elena Sanchez, Urquieta, Pedro Lira, and Thayer, William already mentioned, as well as Grayson, George William, El partido demócrata cristiano chileno (Buenos Aires: Editorial F. de Aguirre), 1968.Google Scholar

37 Hurtado, Alberto, Es Chile un país católico?, p. 64.Google Scholar

38 Valdés, Marciano Barrios, La espiritualidad chilena en tiempos de Santa Teresa and his La espiritualidad chilena en los tiempos del Padre Hurtado, 1931–1961.Google Scholar

39 Kane, Paula M., ‘“She offered herself up’: The Victim Soul and Victim Spirituality in Catholicism,” Church History 71:1 (March, 2002), pp. 80119.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

40 Other priests associated with creating the progressive church include Fernando Vives SJ and Oscar Rücker.

41 Gramsci writes that the timing of canonizations reveals much about the papal agenda. The canonization of Teresa began to move forward during the presidency of Salvador Allende. Her beatification and canonization came about when the papacy was in the process of censoring Liberation Theology.

42 Maria Antonieta, Huerta M., Catolicismo Social en Chile.Google Scholar

43 Verba’s, Erika Kim, Catholic Feminism and the Social Question in Chile, 1910–1917: The Liga de Damas Chilenas,Google Scholar documents how great numbers elite Chilean women voluntarily joined and enthusiastically supported the Liga de Damas Chilenas.

44 Norris, Kathleen, “The Virgin Martyrs Between ‘Point Vierge’ and the ‘Usual Spring,” in The Cloister Walk (New York: Riverhead Books, 1996), pp. 186205.Google Scholar Norris argues that the time has come for women to reclaim virgin martyrs as female heroes. Numerous websites dedicated to Thérèse de Lisieux support Paula Kane’s conclusions in “She offered herself up:” that Thérèse’s popularity among the faithful is linked to victim spirituality. Joan of Arc has become a figure of interest in secular society. Several hundred web sites are dedicated to her memory. Two of the most useful are the St. Joan of Arc Center www.stjoan-center.com/ and the International Joan of Arc Society located at Southern Methodist University www.smu.edu/ijas. Joan of Arc’s canonization took centuries. In 1431 the Church tried and found her guilty of witchcraft and burned her at the stake. It was the radicalization of French politics in the 1880s that moved the case forward quickly. The Bishop of Orleans took up her cause when socialists began winning elections. In 1894 Leo XIII declared her venerable and Joan became a symbol of faith and patriotism against atheistic socialism. The next pope, Pius X declared her blessed in 1909, and in 1920 Benedict XV canonized her as a defender against radical politics.

45 Valdés, Marciano Barrios, La espiritualidad chilena entiempos de Sta. Teresa; Blanca Subercaseaux de Valdés, Amalia Errázuriz de Subercaseaux (Buenos Aires: Emecé Editores, S.A.),1934.Google Scholar de Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz, [funeral sermon]” Revista Católica 30:680 (24 May 1930), pp. 721732;Google Scholar de Subercaseux, Amalia Errázuriz, El Angel de Caridad, doña Antonia Salas de Errázuriz (Santiago de Chile: Imprenta Lagunas, 1916);Google Scholar Harriet, Fernando Campos, “Breve semblanza de doña Juana Ross de Edwards,” Boletín de la Academia Chilena de Historia, 49 (1982), pp. 337341 Google Scholar and Gúzman, Carlos Ossandón, Junta con Mí Padre: Recuerdos (Santiago: Imprenta El Impacial, 1952).Google Scholar

46 Valdés, Marciano Barrios, La espiritualidad chilena en tiempos de Sta. Teresa, p. 49,Google Scholar and Hacia el Ideal, throughout.

47 Mrs.Merwin, George B., Lorreta, (Woods) Merwin, , Three Years in Chile, ed. Gardiner, C. Harvey (Carbondale, IL: University of Southern Illinois Press, 1966).Google Scholar

48 Santa Teresa de los Andes, section two, “Teresa de los Andes, su espiritualidad.” Also see her diary.

49 de Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz, Nuestra Santa Iglesía (Santiago: Imprenta Chile, 1931).Google Scholar

50 de Valdés, Blanca Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz de Subercaseaux (Buenos Aires: Emecé Editores, S.A., 1934).Google Scholar de Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz, [funeral sermon]” Revista Católica 30:680 (24 May 1930), pp. 721732;Google Scholar Fernandez, Juana [St. Teresa de los Andes], Diario y Cartas, 2nd Ed. (Santiago: Publicaciones Gráficos Manquehue, 1983);Google Scholar Matilde, Föster B., Eran otros Tiempos, Monjas lngelsas— Maestranza (Santiago: Editorial Patris, 1996);Google Scholar Gúzman, Teresa Ossandón, “Diario de un tenista.”Google Scholar Notebook #1.

51 Teresa Ossandón attended the initiation ceremonies of five friends who entered the convent.

52 Hacia el Ideal, IV: 33 May 1927.

53 Parker, Cristián, “Anticlericalismo y religión popular en la genesis del movimiento obrero en Chile 1900–1920,” Revista Mexicana de Sociología 49:3 (jul–sept 1987), pp. 185204,Google Scholar and Campos, Maximiliano Salinas, Historia del Pueblo de Dios en Chile (Santiago, Ediciones Rehue, 1987).Google Scholar

54 Taves, Ann, The Household of Faith, Roman Catholic Devotions in Mid-Nineteenth-Century America (South Bend, IN: Notre Dame University Press, 1986).Google Scholar This observation is also true for Chile. For reference to literacy figures see Hurtado’s Humanismo social.

55 References to female participation in rural missions are found in the diaries of Teresa de los Andes and Teresa Ossandón, in Ossandón’s published works, in works about St. Teresa and throughout Hacia el Ideal.

56 Cruchaga, SJ Alberto Hurtado, Humanismo social, p. 49.Google Scholar

57 Campos, Maximiliano A. Salinas, El laicado católico de la Sociedad Chilena de Agricultura y Beneficencia, 1838–1849.Google Scholar

58 Valenzuela, Erika Meza, “Catholicism, Anticlericalism and the Quest for Women’s Suffrage in Chile,” The Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Working Paper Series, Working Paper 214, December, 1995 Google Scholar and her “Liberals, Radicals and Women’s Citizenship in Chile, 1872–1930,” The Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Working Paper Series, Working Paper #245, November, 1997.

59 Serrano, Sol, “La definición de lo público en un estado católico: El caso chileno, 1810–1885,” Estudios Públicos 76 (primavera 1999), pp. 211232,Google Scholar and Rivas, Rafael Gumucio, “Belén de Sáraga, librepensadora, anarquista y feminista,” http://www.revistapolis.cl/9/bewlen.doc Google Scholar; Edwards, Lisa, “The Catholic Elite in Chile, 1860–1930,” MA Thesis, Tulane University, May, 1998.Google Scholar Lomnitz, Larissa Adler and Melnick, Ana, Chile’s Political Culture and Parties, an Anthropological Explanation (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 2000)Google Scholar demonstrates that in contemporary Chile women play a more important role in Christian Democratic culture than in Radical Party culture.

60 Salazar, Gabriel, “Reflexiones sobre el Voluntariado in Chile,” http://www.piie.cl/documentos/ GABRIELSALAZAR_seminario_uachc.pdf;Google Scholar Edwards, Lisa, “Catholic Elite,”Google Scholar Chapter 3; Yeager, Gertrude M., “Female Apostolates and Modernization in Mid-Nineteenth Century, Chile,” Americas 55:3 (January 1999), pp. 425458,CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed and “Religion, Gender and the Training of Female Public Elementary School Teachers in Nineteenth Century Chile,” Americas 62:2 (October 2005), pp. 209–243.

61 Yeager, Gertrude M., “Female Apostolates and Modernization in Mid-Nineteenth Century, Chile,” and Actividades Femeninas en Chile (Santiago de Chile: La Ilustración, 1928),Google Scholar Chapter Five “Contribución de las congregaciones y sociedades católicas de la educación de la mujer,” pp. 305–368.

62 Yeager, Gertrude M., “Female Apostolates and Modernization in Mid-Nineteenth Century, Chile.”Google Scholar

63 Other congregations had similar numbers of students. See Actividades Femeninas en Chile, Chapter 3, Section 5.

64 Föster, Matilde B., Eran otros tiempos: los colegios de Juanita Fernández (Santiago: Ediciones Patris, 1996).Google Scholar

65 Errázuriz, Amalia, Roma del Alma (Rome: Imprenta de la Uniore Editrice, 1909–1910).Google Scholar

66 “Acto academico del Centro Femenino de Escuela Superiora,” Revista Universitaria 12:3 (October 1927), pp. 1188–1198, and Hacia el Ideal throughout.

67 Edwards, Lisa, “Catholic Elites,”Google Scholar Chapter 3.

68 de Valdés, Blanca Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz de Subercaseaux (Buenos Aires: Emecé Editores, S.A.), 1934.Google Scholar de Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz, [funeral sermon]” Revista Católica 30:680 (24 May 1930), pp. 721732;Google Scholar Harriet, Fernando Campos, “Breve semblanza de doña Juana Ross de Edwards,” Boletín de la Academia Chilena de Historia, 49 (1982), pp. 337341.Google Scholar

69 Kay McNamara, Jo Ann, Sisters in Arms, Catholic Nuns through Two Millennia (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996), p. 612.Google Scholar

70 Föster, Eran ortos tiempos.

71 Föster, Eran otros tiempos.

72 The educational goal, as one alum wrote, was not to turn students into accomplished “young women, nor agreeable wives, but soldiers for Christ, accustomed to hardship and ridicule and ingratitude. …” Antonia White, Frost in May (New York: Dial Press, 1933), introduction.

73 Jane Erskine Stuart, RSCJ, The Education of Catholic Girls (London: Longmans, Green & Company, 1911)Google Scholar and The Society of the Sacred Heart (Roehampton UK: Convent of the Sacred Heart, 1914). Early 20th century Catholic thinking believed that suffering and hardship strengthened women, as opposed to modern feminist thinking, which equates Marian virtues with victimization and patriarchy.

74 Santa Teresa de Los Andes, Juanita Fernández Solar, Diario y Cartas, 5th ed. (Santiago: Ediciones Carmelo Teresiano, 1995). There is an English translation that is coupled with a biography by Griffin, Michael D., O.C.D. God, The Joy of My Life, Saint Teresa of the Andes, A Biography of Saint Teresa, with the Saint’s Spiritual Diary (Hubertus, WI: Teresian Charism Press, 1995).Google Scholar Teresa Ossandón Gúzman's diary, in unpublished manuscript form, fills 54 hand-written notebooks, spans her life from 14 to 77 and is housed in the archives of the Carmelite Convent located in Auco, Chile.

75 The best source is Erika Kim Verba’s Liga de Damas Chilenas, already cited.

76 Actividades Femeninas en Chile.

77 Actividades Femeninas en Chile.

78 Actividades Femeninas en Chile.

79 Actividades Femeninas en Chile.

80 Latin American historiography tends to identify Catholic women's groups with far right-wing/elite politics that are in opposition to modernizing secular tendencies associated with the Marxist Left and the popular classes. Attempts at social reform are seen as social control and exploitation of the poor. See the work of Sandra McGee Deutsch, Margaret Powers, Kim Verba, et al. Recent French scholarship finds strong ties between the creation of the modern French welfare state and the Social Catholic movement. Huber, Karen, “Catholic Women and the Development of Maternal Welfare,” Journal of Women’s History 17:1 (2005), pp. 189191.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

81 Hacia el Ideal, 1:2 September, 1923.

82 Nuñez and Vivianco. Also see Actividades Femininas for a very complete list of Catholic sponsored mutual societies for women.

83 Hacia el Ideal, 1:1 September 1923.

84 For a different interpretation see McGee Deutsch, Sandra who identifies the involvement of Chilean Catholic women in Social Catholic movement with the origins of extreme right-wing politics in Chile in “Spreading Right-Wing Patriotism, Femininity, and Morality in Argentina, Brazil and Chile, 1900–1940,” in Radical Women in Latin America, Left and Right, Eds. Gonzalez, Victoria and Kampwirth, Karen (University Park: Penn State University Press, 2000), pp. 223248,Google Scholar pp. 224–227.

85 Gajardo Jenves, Carmen Gloria, “Magdalena Vicuña: una mujer del siglo xix,” Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 1989 Google Scholar and Salinas Campos, Maximiliano A, El laicado católico de la Sociedad Chilena de Agricultura y Beneficencia 1838–1849.Google Scholar

86 Valenzuela, Erika Meza, “Catholicism, Anticlericalism and the Quest for Women’s Suffrage in Chile,” The Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies,Google Scholar Working Paper Series, Working Paper 214, December, 1995 and her, “Liberals, Radicals and Women’s Citizenship in Chile, 1872–1930,” The Helen Kellogg Institute for International Studies, Working Paper Series, Working Paper #245, November, 1997.

87 Verba, Erika Kim, Catholic Feminism and the Social Question in Chile, 1910–1917.Google Scholar

88 Offen, Karen, European Feminism 1700–1950: A Political History (Stanford: Stamford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar and “Defining Feminism: A Comparative Historical Approach,” SIGNS 14:1 (1988), on-line version.

89 Matlary, Janne Haaland, “Commentary: Catholic Feminism vs Equality Feminism,” http://www.ewtn.com/library/ISSUES/CATHFEMHTM.Google Scholar

90 Kane, Paula, Separatism and Subculture, Boston Catholicism 1900–1920 (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994).Google Scholar

91 Verba, Erika Kim, Catholic Feminism and the Social Question in Chile Google Scholar, Chapters 3 and 4.

92 Maflary, Janne Haaland, “Commentary: Catholic Feminism vs Equality Feminism,” http://www.ewtn.com/library/ISSUES/CATHFEMHTM pp. 12.Google Scholar

93 Hacia el Ideal 1:1 August 1923.

94 Ossandón Valdés, Juan Carlos, “Teresa Ossandón Gúzman,” Anuario de Historia de la Iglesía en Chile, 14 (1996), pp. 8194;Google Scholar “Una famosa tenista,” La Segunda, 18 January 1989, pp. 20–21. Unpublished sources include an obituary written by the Prioress of Holy Spirit Monastery and a biographical sketch written and circulated by her brother, Father Arturo Ossandón, shortly after her death; these as well as her diary, are presently housed in Holy Spirit Monastery located in Auco, Chile.

95 Gúzman, Arturo Ossandón, Recuerdos de Teresa Ossandón Gúzman: escritos por su hermano Arturo,Google Scholar mimeographed (Viña del Mar, April 1991); Verba, Erika Kim, “The Circulo de Lectura de Señoras [Ladies’Reading Circle] and the Club de Señoras [Ladies’ Club] of Santiago, Chile:Google Scholar Middle and Upper-class Feminist conversations (1915–1920),” Journal of Women’s History 7:3 (1995): pp. 6–33.

96 Ossandón, Arturo, Recuerdos, p. 12.Google Scholar

97 Hacia el Ideal VI:53–54 (September–October 1929).

98 “Reseña del IX Congreso Nacional,” Hacia el Ideal, X:85 September/October 1933.

99 Hacia el Idea, III:28 August/September 1926.

100 Hacia el Idea, III:24 March 1926.

101 Ossandón, Teresa, Por Nuestra Fé o relatos de una social (Santiago: Imprenta La Ilustración 1928),Google Scholar 3ra edición.

102 Hacia el Ideal, 10:28 August/September 1926.

103 Hacia el Ideal, V:40 April 1928.

104 Hacia el Ideal, II:17 June 1925.

105 Hacia el Ideal, IV:38 November 1927.

106 Hacia el Ideal, 1:2 September 1923.

107 Hacia el Ideal II:15 April 1925.

108 Hacia el Ideal, V:41 May 1928.

109 Hacia el Ideal, 1:2 September 1923.

110 Hacia el Ideal, IV:35 July 1927.

111 Hacia el Ideal, III:31 December 1925.

112 “Humo y Ceniza,” Hacia del Ideal, 1:6 April 1924.

113 “El Taller de Rebeca,” Hacia el Ideal, X: 25 May 1932, pp. 13–16.

114 Hacia el Ideal, III:25 May 1926.

115 Hacia el Ideal, III:28 September/August 1926.

116 Hacia el Ideal, III:30 November 1926.

117 Hacia el Ideal, I:1 August 1923.

118 Hacia el Ideal, II, 13 November 1924.

119 Hacia el Ideal, III 29 October 1926.

120 Hacia el Ideal, II: 13 November 1924.

121 Hacia el Ideal, II: 13 November 1924.

122 Hacia el Ideal, IV:24 June 1927. Also see Ossandón’s, Teresa Manual del Dirigente de la Asociación Juventud Católica Feminina de Chile (Santiago: Imprenta Rapid, 1936),Google Scholar and Por Nuestra Fé o relatos de una socia.

123 “Asociación de la Juventud Católica Femenina,” Revista Católica, 29:653 2 March 1929, pp. 219–221.

124 Hacia el Ideal, VI:53–54 September/October 1929.

125 Teresa Ossandón, Diario, 2 August, 1929.

126 Teresa Ossandón, Diario 2 August, 1929.

127 Hacia el Ideal, VI:53–54, September-October, 1929.

128 Gúzman, Teresa Ossandón, Por Nuestra Fé o relatos de una_socia.Google Scholar

129 Hacia el Ideal, VI:53–54, September/October, 1929.

130 Hacia el Ideal, IV:38 November, 1927.

131 Hacia el Ideal, VI:53–54, September/October, 1929.

132 Gumucio, Cristián Parker, Anticlericalismo y religión popular en la genesis del movimiento obrero chileno en Chile, 1900–1920 (Santiago: CERC, 1986).Google Scholar This essay is more easily accessed through Revista Mexicana de Sociología, XLIX, 3, pp. 185–204. Maximiliano Salinas Campos, Historia del pueblo de Dios en Chile, and “Cristianismo popular en Chile, 1880–1920, un esquema sobre el factor religioso en las clases subalternas durante el capitalismo oligarquico,” Nueva Historia, 3:12 (1984). Father Hurtado used the term “paganization of the masses” in Humanismo social, p. 61.

133 Gumucio, Cristián Parker,. Anticlericalismo y religión popular en la genesis del movimiento obrero chileno en Chile.Google Scholar

134 Cristián Parker Gumucio and Maxilimiano Salas Campos, “Cristianismo popular.”

135 Teresa Ossandón, Diario, 29 July 1929.

136 Teresa Ossandón, Diario, 2 August 1929.

137 Hacia el Ideal, V:40 April, 1928.

138 Hacia el Ideal, VI:53–54, September/October, 1929.

139 Hacia el Ideal, VI:53–54, September/October, 1929.

140 Hacia el Ideal, IX:65 March/April, 1931.

141 “Semana Agricola,” Revista Católica, 29:661 6 July 1920, pp. 91–134.

142 de Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz, Nuestra Santa Iglesía,Google Scholar introduction.

143 Ibid.

144 Ibid., pp. 112–114.

145 Ossandón, Teresa, Trienta dias en Malloca (Santiago: Ed. S C de J, 1938).Google Scholar

146 Monteceno, Sonia, Madres y huachos, alegorias del mestizaje chileno (Santiago: Cuarto Propio CEDEM, 1991).Google Scholar

147 de Subercaseux, Amalia Errázuriz, Nuestra Santa Iglesia.Google Scholar

148 “Rome pilgrims view evidence of women bishops, priests in the early Church,” Churchwatch, May–June, 2006.

149 Hacia el Ideal, “Campesina y Emperatrix,” IV:34 June, 1927.

150 Hacia el Ideal, IV:38 November, 1927.

151 Gúzman, Teresa Ossandón, Salvar o las vacaciones de Cecilia (Santiago: Talleres “Claret” 1932), pp. 2934.Google Scholar

152 Gúzman, Teresa Ossandón, Salvar o las vacaciones de Cecilia, pp. 4445.Google Scholar

153 Hacia el Ideal, X:85 September/October, 1933.

154 Errázuriz, Amalia, Nuestra Santa Iglesia.Google Scholar

155 Gúzman, Teresa Ossandón, Salvar or las vacaciones de Cedía, pp. 4445.Google Scholar

156 Slee, Nicola, “Some Patterns and Processes of Women’s Faith Development,” Journal of Beliefs & Values, 21L1, 2000,CrossRefGoogle Scholar internet version, and Csoli, Karen, “Sitting together on a Mountaintop,” Professing Education,Google Scholar internet source.

157 Carmen Descalzo-Chile, Orden del, Santa Teresa de los Andes (Santiago: Impresiones Cochrane, S.A., 1992),Google Scholar Part Two “Teresa de los Andes, su espiritualidad.”

158 de Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz, Nuestra Santa Iglesia.Google Scholar

159 Hacia el Ideal, 6:49 April 1929. “En La Vida de la familia: La Contradiccion.”

160 Ossandón, , Salvar or las vacaciones de Cecilia, pp. 7172.Google Scholar

161 de Subercaseaux, Amalia Errázuriz, Roma del Alma, Rome: 1909, Vol. 9, pp. 112115.Google Scholar “I see disinherited poor, the sick, men who are overwhelmed, with their souls hardened and brutalized … women exasperated from the need to help their spouses, who leave their children to earn a few cents in the streets. I see the rich egotistical man who has everything, looking down on the poor who lack everything and insulting the poor to their face with gross language. . . .”

162 Hacia el Ideal, July, 1924 II:9, pp. 10–12.

163 “Mugeres célebres Elizabeth Leseur,” Hacia el Ideal, II: 23 December 1925.

164 Hacia el Ideal, II:23 December 1925. “Mugeres célebres” was a regular feature in Hacia el Ideal and most heroines came from 19th century French history.

165 Hacia el Ideal, IV: 35 July, 1927.

166 Hacia el Ideal, IV: 37 September 1927. p. 44. Articles about respecting priests and not gossiping about priestly conduct appear regularly.

167 Valdés, Barrios, La espiritualidad en los tiempos del Padre Hurtado.Google Scholar

168 Revista Católica, 29:651 1 January, 1921, pp. 29–43.

169 Revista Católica 29:651 1 January, 1929; “Oratoria Sagrada,” Conferencía Sacerdotal pp. 29–43.

170 Hacia el Ideal, IX: 65 March/April 1931.

171 Gúzman, Teresa Ossandón, Por Nuestra Fé, o relatos de una social.Google Scholar

172 Hurtado, Alberto, Humanismo Social, pp. 5556.Google Scholar In the mid 1940s when teaching the catechism fell to Catholic Action, it enrolled many more women (32,194) than men (17,694); Boletin de la Acción 12:1; 2 and 3 January, February, March 1944.

173 Boletín de la Acción Católica, 12:1; 2, 3 January, February, March 1944.

174 Hacia el Ideal, September–October, 1929.

175 “Mujeres de Chile,” Revista Católica, 31: 711 3 October 1931, pp. 539–541.

176 “La misión social del clero en la Enciclica ‘Quadragismo Anno,’” Revista Católica, 31:714, 21 November 1931, pp. 713–719.

177 Hurtado, Alberto, Humanismo Social, pp. 4849.Google Scholar

178 “Sugerencías para una tema sobre misiones en los caserios y campos de Chile,” T.O.G. Revista Católica XLIV:967 August, September, October 1953, pp. 759–762.

179 “Al Pasar,” Revista Católica 31:701 9 May 1931.

180 “programa de trabajos para este año, organizacion de joven obrera y campesina,” Hacia el Ideal, XI 93 August, 1934.

181 Hacia el Ideal, IV:35 July, 1927.

182 Ossandón, Teresa, Manual de la Dirigenta de AJCF, p. 40.Google Scholar

183 “Reseña del IX Congreso Nacional,” Hacia el Ideal, X:85 September/October, 1933.