¹ Jenkins, R. J. H. and Laourdas, Basil, ‘Eight Letters of Arethas on the Fourth Marriage of Leo the Wise’, Ἑλληνικά xiv (1956), 293–372, especially 332, 335–6.Google Scholar (Reprinted in Jenkins, R. J. H., Studies on Byzantine History of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries (London, 1970).)Google Scholar

² Ibid. 305. On the event see Jenkins, R. J. H., Byzantium. The Imperial Centuries (London, 1966), 214–16.Google Scholar

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⁵ Rambaud, A., L'Empire grec au dixième siècle: Constantin Porphyrogénète (Paris, 1870), 51–174Google Scholar; R. J. H. Jenkins, op. cit. 256–67; P. Lemerle, , Le Premier Humanisme byzantin (Paris, 1971), 267–300.Google Scholar

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¹⁰ Κουργέας, op. cit. 3–9; Lemerle, op. cit. 207–8.

¹¹ Chronique de Monemvasie, 10; Constantine Porphyrogenitus, De Thematibus, ed. Pertusi, A. (Rome, 1952), 91.Google Scholar

¹² Riché, P., Éducation et culture dans l'occident barbare (VI–VIII siècles) (Paris, 1962), 189–90Google Scholar; Courcelle, P., Late Latin Writers and their Greek Sources (Cambridge, Mass., 1969), 412.Google Scholar

¹³ Ostrogorsky, G., ‘The Byzantine Empire in the World of the Seventh Century’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers, xiii (1959), 1–12.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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¹⁵ Theophanes, , Chronographia, ed. de Boor, C. (Leipzig, 1883–1885), 456, 485, 486, 490–1, 495–6, 497–503.Google Scholar

¹⁶ Runciman, S., A History of the First Bulgarian Empire (London, 1930), 25–43, 47–70Google Scholar, especially 93–6; Dvornik, F., Byzantine Missions among the Slavs (New Brunswick/New Jersey, 1970), 71–104.Google Scholar

¹⁷ D. Zakythinos has indicated the significance of this period; see ‘La grande breche dans la tradition historique de l'Hellénisme du 7^e au 9^e siècles’, Χαριτήριον εἰς Ἀ. Ὀρλάνγον iii (Athens, 1966), 300–27.

¹⁸ These two aspects were of particular importance in the Hellenization of the Slavs; other aspects which are not treated here, for example the preservation of ancient Greek learning, will form the subject of a separate article.

¹⁹ To speak of the ‘extermination’ of the Greek race is incorrect, as it is quite clear from the sources that the indigenous Greeks did not simply disappear for ever. Cf. Hood, Sinclair, ‘Isles of Refuge in the Early Byzantine Period’, BSA lxv (1970), 37–44, and p. 118 below.Google Scholar

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²¹ The existence of several bishops of Corinth and Athens is recorded in their attendance at Church Councils, for example at the Sixth Oecumenical Council of 680–1: see Mansi, J., Sacrorum conciliorum nova et amplissima collectio (Graz, 1960; reprint of original edition)Google Scholar, xi 669, 689 (Stephanos of Corinth), 672–3 (Ioannes of Athens); cf. Zakythinos, op. cit. 303). The so-called ‘Notitia episcopatuum’ of Leo III has frequently been used to prove the survival of many inland bishoprics in eighth-century Greece, despite the fact that since 1895 it has been identified as a list of cities similar to the Synekdemos of Hierokles; see Duchesne, L., ‘Les anciens évêchés de la Grèce’, MEFR xv (1895), 375–85.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Although this has been emphatically confirmed by Bon, op. cit. 22–5, some authors continue to misuse the evidence.

This list has nothing to do with an ecclesiastical Notitia. On the presence of κομμερκιάριοι in the area see Antoniadis-Bibicou, H., Recherches sur les douanes à Byzance (Paris, 1963), 157–91Google Scholar; in the list of seals, nos. 17, 42, 56, 58, 67, 82, 83, 85, 86 indicate the existence of these officials, though not all these seals can be securely dated.

²² A tenth-century oration recounts, ‘We are no longer called “Scythian” or “barbarian” or I know not what, but may be named and shown to be Christians and sons of God and travail of the Spirit.’ The complete text was published by Uspensky, F., Letopis of the Historico-Philological Society of the University of Novorossiya iv (Byzantine section 2) 1894, 55–94Google Scholar, relevant passage 67–8. The oration was formerly attributed to Arethas but has now been shown to be the work of Theodoros Daphnopates; see Jenkins, R. J. H., ‘The Peace with Bulgaria (927) celebrated by Theodore Daphnopates’, Polychronion. Festschrift F. Dolger (Heidelberg, 1966), 287–303Google Scholar (reprinted in the author's Studies). The relevant passage is reproduced on 289 and translated on 293.

²³ Theophanes, op. cit. 347–8, 364, 374.

²⁴ Nikephoros, , Opuscula Historka, ed. de Boor, C. (Leipzig, 1880), 66Google Scholar; Theophanes, op. cit. 359, 429, 432.

²⁵ The theory of linguistic continuity was first developed by Rohlfs, G., Scavi linguistici nella Magna Graeca (Rome, 1933)Google Scholar, since when it has aroused great controversy; see the works of Parlangèli, O., particularly ‘L'importanza dell'elemento greco nella storia linguistica dell'Italia meridionale,’ Akten des XI internationalen Byzantinisten-Kongresses (Munich, 1960), 445–9.Google ScholarKaratzas, S., L'Origine des dialectes néo-grecs de l'Italie méridionale (Paris, 1958)Google Scholar, has summarized the arguments and concluded in support of Rohlfs, but this position is not universally accepted; see, for example, P. Courcelle, op. cit. 336–8.

²⁶ Butler, A. J., The Arab Conquest of Egypt and the last thirty years of Roman domination (Oxford, 1902), 439–64.Google Scholar

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²⁸ ‘Life of S. Stephen the Younger’, PG 100, col. 1117; Guillou, A., ‘Grecs d'Italie du sud et de Sicile au Moyen Âge; les moines’, MEFR lxxv (1963), 79–110CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 83 n. 2 (reprinted in the author's Studies on Byzantine Italy (London, 1970)).

²⁹ This theory has been championed for many years by Charanis, P.; see ‘On the question of the hellenization of Sicily and Southern Italy during the Middle Ages’, American Historical Review lii (1946–1947), 74–86.CrossRefGoogle Scholar The author was one of the first to support Ν. Βέης in his belief that the so-called Chronicle of Monemvasia was a reliable historical source. P. Lemerle has confirmed this, but he doubts that a large-scale emigration took place; see Lemerle, op. cit. 19 n. 30. In the context of greater mobility than is generally appreciated, I think that the Chronicle deserves credence, see p. 121.

³⁰ Chronique de Monemvasie, 9–10. A possible identification of Orove is Ὀροβίαι (modem Rovies), in northern Euboia: Sackett, L. H.et al., BSA lxi (1966), 48Google Scholar; Koder, J., Negroponte (Vienna, 1973) 114–15 and pls. 43–5.Google Scholar

³¹ The migration of the city of Patras with its bishop, mentioned in the Chronicle (Chronique de Monemvasie, 10) is confirmed by the acts of the Seventh Oecumenical Council held in Nikaia in 787. This Council was attended by bishops from several Aegean islands, including Aigina, Euboia, and Skopelos, but not from the mainland centres, Thessalonike, Larissa, Athens, and Corinth. Patras, however, was represented by who signed after the Bishop of Reggio (Calabria) and before the group of Sicilian bishops, see Mansi, op. cit. xiii col. 365. I am most grateful to Paul Speck who brought this important evidence to my attention.

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³³ Kirsten, E., ‘Die Byzantinische Stadt’, Berichte des XI internationalen Byzantinistenkongresses (Munich, 1960), 19–23.Google Scholar Coin evidence is here very useful, although difficult to interpret; see Metcalf, D., ‘The Aegean Coastlands under Threat’, BSA lvii (1962), 14–24Google Scholar; Vryonis, S., ‘An Attic Hoard of Byzantine Gold Coins (668–741) from the Thomas Whittemore Collection and the Numismatic Evidence for the Urban History of Byzantium’, Zbornik Radova Vizantološkog Instituta, viii (1963), 291–300Google Scholar, reprinted in the author's Byzantium: Its Internal History and Relations with the Muslim World (London, 1971); Bon, op. cit. 53, tabulates the coin finds from Athens and Corinth.

³⁴ On Syrian merchants and oriental trade, see Pirenne, H., Mohammed and Charlemagne (London, 1939), 79–96Google Scholar; Bréhier, L., ‘Les colonies d'Orientaux en Occident au commencement du moyen-âge’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift xii (1903), 1–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vercauteren, F., ‘La circulation des marchands en Europe occidentale du VI^e au x^e siècles: aspects économiques et culturelles’, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di Studi sul'Alto Medioevo xi (Spoleto, 1964), 393–412.Google Scholar On the Greek-speaking ecclesiastics and Orthodox monasteries see A. Guillou, op. cit. 81–2; Borsari, S., Il monachesimo bizantino nella Sicilia e nell'Italia meridionale pre-normanno (Naples, 1963), 32–46.Google Scholar

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³⁸ Guillou, A., Régionalisme et indépendance dans l'Empire byzantin au 7^e siècle. L'exemple de l'Exarchat et de la Pentapole d'Italie (Rome, 1969), 77–88, 112–16, 231–4.Google Scholar

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⁴⁵ Chronique de Monemvasie, 10–11; Charanis, P., ‘Nicephorus I, the Savior of Greece from the Slavs (810 A.D.)’, Byzantina-Metabyzantina, i (1946), 75–92Google Scholar, reprinted in the author's Studies on the Demography of the Byzantine Empire (London, 1972).

⁴⁶ Gabrieli, F., ‘Greeks and Arabs in the Central Mediterranean Area’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers xviii (1964), 59–65Google Scholar; Vasiliev, A., ‘The “Life of Saint Peter of Argos and its Historical Significance’, Traditio v (1947), 163–91.CrossRefGoogle Scholar On the alleged movement of population north into Southern Italy, see Ménager, L. R., ‘La “byzantinisation” religieuse de l'Italie méridionale (ix^e–xii^e siècles) et la politique monastique des Normans d'Italie’, Revue d'Histoire ecclésiastique liii (1958), 747–74Google Scholar; liv (1959), 5–40; and the criticism of Guillou, A., ‘Inchiesta sulla populazione greca della Sicilia e della Calabria nel Medio Evo’, Rivista Storica Italiana lxxv (1963), 53–68Google Scholar, reprinted in the author's Studies. The return of Athanasios is recorded in an epitaph composed by S. Peter of Argos; see Cozza-Luzi, J., Nova Patrum Bibliotheca (Rome, 1888), ix section 3, 33–5Google Scholar; cf. the family of S. Joseph the Hymnographer, see Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A., Monumenta graeca et latina ad historiam Photii patriarchae pertinentia (S. Petersburg, 1901), ii. 3.Google Scholar On the inhabitants of Aigina see the ‘Life of Holy Luke’, ed. (Athens, 1874)) i. 132.

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⁴⁹ Bloch, H., ‘Monte Cassino, Byzantium and the West’, Dumbarton Oaks Papers iii (1946), 156–224Google Scholar; J. Irigoin, op. cit. 46–7, 54–5, on the copying done at Orthodox monasteries.

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⁵³ This claim was made nearly a century later by Pope Zacharias in a letter written to Saint Boniface; see Tangl, M., Monumenta Germania Historiae. Epistolae selectae (Berlin, 1916), i no. 80.Google Scholar It was not known to the Venerable Bede who recorded Theodore's activity in England, in cluding his teaching of Latin and Greek, but it is generally accepted; see, for example, Bury, J. B., A History of the Later Roman Empire 395–800 (London, 1889), ii. 280, 392.Google Scholar

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⁵⁶ On mercantile activity see F. Vercauteren, op. cit. On the attraction of Rome see Dvornik, F., Les Légendes de Constantin et de Méthode vues de Byzance (Prague, 1933), 291–3Google Scholar; Michel, A., Ostkirchliche Studien i (1952), 32–45.Google Scholar

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⁶¹ On the effects of these unofficial missionaries see Beck, H.–G., ‘Christliche Mission und politische Propaganda im byzantinischen Reich’, Settimane di studio … xiv (Spoleto, 1967), 649–74Google Scholar, especially 654–74 (reprinted in the author's Ideen und Realitaeten in Byzanz (London, 1972)); cf. Thompson, E. A., ‘Christianity and the Northern Barbarians’, The Conflict between Paganism and Christianity in the Fourth Century, ed. Momigliano, A. (Oxford, 1963), 56–78Google Scholar; and particularly the powerful analysis by Brown, P., ‘The Rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Roman Society’, JRS lxxi (1971), 80–101Google Scholar; idem, ‘A Dark-Age Crisis: Aspects of the Iconoclastic Controversy’, English Historical Review lxxviii (1973), 1–34, especially 12–21.

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⁶⁴ G. da Costa-Louillet, op. cit. 115–16, 118, 121; cf. the forthcoming edition of the ‘Life’ of Saint Elias by M. V. Strazzeri. I should like to thank Signorina Strazzeri for showing me the photographs of the manuscript Cod. Messinensis gr. 30 on which her new edition is based.

⁶⁵ In other parts of the empire different agencies brought about the integration of the Slavs; in the case of Saint Ioannikios the army played as important a role as the Church, see Vryonis, S., ‘St. Ioannicius the Great (754–846) and the “Slavs” of Bithynia’, Byzantion xxxi (1961), 245–8Google Scholar, reprinted in the author's Byzantium.

⁶⁶ J. Mansi, op. cit. xvii. 373–7.

⁶⁷ V. Grumel, op. cit. nos. 636 (letter of Patriarch Nikolaos to the governor of Hellas); 706, to Archbishop Niketas of Athens; 735, to Archbishop Andreas of Patras; and 745, to Archbishop Philippos of Larissa. When his brother Paul was appointed to the see of Corinth, Saint Peter of Argos decided to go with him to the Peloponnese to avoid further disputes with the patriarch.

⁶⁸ J. Cozza-Luzi, op. cit. 39–42; A. Vasiliev, The ‘Life’ of Saint Peter of Argos, 176. Both men had established a reputation for holiness as ascetics before they were appointed bishops, cf. The Life of Saint George of Amastris, ed. Vasilievskii, op. cit. 17–25.

⁶⁹ AE 1931, 119–57; Megaw, A. H. S., ‘The Skripou screen’, BSA lxi (1966), 1–32Google Scholar; Strzygowski, J., ‘Inedita der Architektur und Plastik aus der Zeit Basilios I’, Byzantinische Zeitschrift iii (1894), 1–16CrossRefGoogle Scholar, especially 3–12.

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⁷⁵ An eye-witness account is given by John Cameniates, op. cit.

⁷⁶ Ν. Βέης, op. cit. (n. 7 above); Σάθας, Κ., Χρονικόν ἀνέκδοτον … (Athens, 1865), 192–5Google Scholar; Γ. Κρέμος, op. cit. 148.

⁷⁷ Cf. n. 33 above.

⁷⁸ A. Boeckh, op. cit. nos. 9358; 9378; op. cit. 103–4.

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