² Klein, J., The Mesta. A Study in Spanish Economic History 1273–1836 (Cambridge, MA, 1920)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; also Martín, P. García, La Mesta (Historia, 16; Madrid, 1990)Google Scholar.

³ Bryer, A. and Winfield, D., The Byzantine Monuments and Topography of the Pontos (Washington, DC, 1985), 7, 44, 260Google Scholar.

⁴ Xanthoudidis, S., The Vaulted Tombs of Mesara, transl. Droop, J. P. (London, 1924)Google Scholar; Blitzer, H., ‘Pastoral life in the mountains of Crete’, Expedition, 32. 3 (1990), 34–41Google Scholar; Chang, C., ‘Archaeological landscapes: the ethnoarchaeology of pastoral land use in the Grevena province of Greece’, in Rossignol, J. and Wandsnider, L. (eds), Space, Time and Archaeological Landscapes (New York and London, 1992), 65–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chang and Tourtellotte.

⁵ Spain: Creighton, O. H., and Segui, J. R., ‘The ethnoarchaeology of abandonment and post-abandonment behaviour in pastoral sites: evidence from Famorca, Alacant Province, Spain’, Journal of Mediterranean Archaeology, 11 (1998), 31–52CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Italy: Barker, G. and Grant, A. (eds), ‘Ancient and modern pastoralism in central Italy: an interdisciplinary study in the Cicolano mountains’, PBSR 59 (1991), 15–88Google Scholar. Turkey: Cribb, R., Nomads in Archaeology (Cambridge, 1991)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶ e.g. Efstratiou, N., ‘The archaeology of the Greek uplands: the early Iron Age site of Tsouka in the Rhodope mountains’, BSA 88 (1993), 135–71Google Scholar; Rosen, S. A., ‘A Roman-period pastoral tent camp in the Negev, Israel’, JFA 20 (1993). 441–51Google Scholar.

⁷ Ott, S., The Circle of Mountains. A Basque Shepherding Community (Oxford, 1981)Google Scholar; Netting, R. McC., Balancing on an Alp. Ecological Change and Continuity in a Swiss Mountain Community (Cambridge, 1981)Google Scholar.

⁸ Cf. Hodkinson, S., ‘Animal husbandry in the Greek polis’, in Whittaker, C. R. (ed.), Pastoral Economies in Classical Antiquity (PCPS Suppl. 14; Cambridge, 1988), 35–74Google Scholar, at 51–8; Forbes, H. A., ‘The identification of pastoralist sites within the context of estate-based agriculture in ancient Greece’, BSA 100 (1995), 325–38Google Scholar, at 327.

⁹ Cf. Braudel, F., The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II (London, 1972), i. 85–102Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Halstead, P., ‘Traditional and ancient rural economy in Mediterranean Europe: plus ça change?’ JHS 107 (1987), 77–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id., ‘Present to past in the Pindhos: diversification and specialisation in mountain economies’, in R. Maggi, R. Nisbet, and G. Barker (eds), Archeologia della Pastorizia nell'Europa Meridionale (Rivista di Studi Liguri, 56; Bordighera, 1990), 61–80.

¹¹ Cf. Corbier, M., ‘La transhumance entre le Samnium et l'Apulie: continuités entre l'époque républicaine et l'époque impériale’, in La romanisation du Samnium au II^e et I^er siècles av. J.-C. (Naples, 1991), 149–76Google Scholar, arguing that Medieval patterns must not be assumed for Roman Italy.

¹² H. A. Forbes, review of M. Herzfeld, Poetics of Manhood (see below, n. 98), LCM 15 (1990), 8–16Google Scholar, at 12–14.

¹³ Cf. the synthesis of Barker and Grant (n. 5).

¹⁴ J. Breuilly, ‘Introduction: making comparisons in history’, in id., Labour and Liberalism in Nineteenth-Century Europe (Manchester and New York, 1992), 1–25. For more detailed introductions to the varying logics of comparative history, see Skocpol, T. and Somers, M., ‘The uses of comparative history in macrosocial enquiry’, Comparative Studies in Society and History, 22 (1980), 174–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Haupt, H.-G. and Kocka, J. (eds), Geschichte und Vergleich: Ansätze und Ergebnisse international vergleichender Geschichtsschreibung (Frankfurt am Main and New York, 1996)Google Scholar. We are grateful to Mr T. Weber for some of these references.

¹⁵ On the Mediterranean as a whole seeBoyazoglu, J. and Flamant, J.-C., ‘Mediterranean systems of animal production’, in Galaty, J. G. and Johnson, D. L. (eds), The World of Pastoralism: Herding Systems in Comparative Perspective (London and New York, 1990), 353–93Google Scholar.

¹⁶ Nixon, L., Moody, J., Price, S., and Rackham, O., ‘Archaeological survey in Sphakia, Crete’, Echos du monde classique/Classical Views (EMC/CV), 32 = n.s. 7 (1988), 157–73Google Scholar; ‘Archaeological survey in Sphakia, Crete’, EMC/CV 33 = n.s. 8 (1989), 201–15Google Scholar; iid., ‘Archaeological survey in Sphakia, Crete’, with V. Niniou-Kindeli, EMC/CV 34 = n.s. 9 (1990), 213–20; iid., ‘Rural settlement in Sphakia, Crete’, in P. Doukellis and L. Mendoni (eds), Structures rurales et sociétés antiques, actes du colloque de Corfou 14–16 mai 1992 (Annale littéraires de l'Université de Besançon; Paris, 1994), 255–64; Moody, J., Nixon, L., Price, S., and Rackham, O., ‘Surveying poleis and larger sites in Sphakia’, in Cavanagh, W. C. and Curtis, M. (eds), Post-Minoan Crete: Proceedings of the First Colloquium (BSA Studies, 2; London, 1998), 87–95Google Scholar. Cf. also Rackham and Moody, 159–64.

¹⁷ See Nixon, Moody et al. 1994 (n. 16), 256–8.

¹⁸ The final paper publication of the Sphakia Survey will include a full discussion of pastoralism in Sphakia.

¹⁹ Wace and Thompson, 2–5, 10–11.

²⁰ Chang (n. 4); Chang and Tourtellotte.

²¹ Halstead 1990 (n. 10); Reinders, H. R. and Prummel, W., ‘Transhumance in Hellenistic Thessaly’, Environmental Archaeology, 3 (1998), 81–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the Vlachs see further: Weigand, G., Die Aromunen (Leipzig, 1895)Google Scholar; Winnifrith, T., The Vlachs: A History of a Balkan People (London, 1987)Google Scholar. On the Sarakatsani see Campbell, J. K., Honour, Family and Patronage. A Study of Institutions and Moral Values in a Greek Mountain Community (Oxford, 1964)Google Scholar; Kavadias, G. B., Pasteurs-nomades méditerranéens: les Saracatsans de Grèce (Paris, 1965)Google Scholar.

²² Benveniste, E., ‘Noms d'animaux en indo-européen’, Bulletin de la Société de Linguistique de Paris, 45 (1949), 74–103Google Scholar, at 91–100; Le Vocabulaire des institutions indo-européennes (Paris, 1969), i. 37–45Google Scholar.

²³ Blache, J., L'Homme et la montagne (Paris, 1933), 13–41Google Scholar; McNeill, J. R.,The Mountains of the Mediterranean World (Cambridge, 1992), 112–14, 276–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ de Planhol, X., De la plaine pamphylienne aux lacs pisidiens. Nomadisme et vie paysanne (Paris, 1958)Google Scholar; Cribb (n. 5), 113–32.

²⁵ Marino, J. A., Pastoral Economics in the Kingdom of Naples (Baltimore and London, 1988)Google Scholar; Barker, G., Hodges, R., Hunt, C., Lloyd, J., Suano, M., Taylor, P., and Wickham, C., A Mediterranean Valley. Landscape Archaeology and Annales History in the Biferno Valley (London and New York, 1995), 34–7Google Scholar.

²⁶ Braudel (n. g) is not himself committed to non-change in transhumance, though the view is sometimes attributed to him. Rhoades, R. E. and Thompson, S. I., ‘Adaptive strategies in alpine environments: beyond ecological particularism’, American Ethnologist, 2 (1975), 535–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar, stress the environment.

²⁷ Lewthwaite, J., ‘Plains tails from the hills: transhumance in Mediterranean archaeology’, in Sheridan, A. and Bailey, G. (eds), Economic Archaeology: Towards an Integration of Ecological and Social Approaches (BAR S.96; Oxford, 1981), 57–66Google Scholar; Horden, P. and Purcell, N., The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History (Oxford and Maiden, MA, 2000), 80–7, 197–200Google Scholar. For a study of possible Iron Age uses of longdistance transhumance routes known from the Mesta, see Sánchez-Moreno, E., ‘Cross-cultural links in ancient Iberia: socio-economic anatomy of hospitality’, OJA 20 (2001), 391–404Google Scholar.

²⁸ Cf. Rosen, A. M., Chang, C., and Grigoriev, F. R, ‘Palaeoenvironments and economy of Iron Age Saka-Wusun agro-pastoralists in southeastern Kazakhstan’, Antiquity, 74 (2000), 611–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar. This area has been attractive to pastoralists since the Iron Age ‘because of its great environmental diversity within a mere 80 km’ (p. 612).

²⁹ Ladurie, E. Le Roy, Times of Feast, Times of Famine: A History of Climate since the Year 1000 (London, 1972)Google Scholar; Rackham and Moody, 38–41, 123–8; Frostiana: or a History of the River Thames, in a Frozen State; with an Account of the Late Severe Frost; and the Wonderful Effects of Frost, Snow, Ice, and Cold, in England, and in Different Parts of the World; Interspersed with Various Amusing Anecdotes. To Which is Added, the Art of Skating (London: printed and published on the Ice on the River Thames, February 5, 1814, by G. Davies) eit. Blackburn, Bonnie and Holford-Strevens, Leofrane, The Oxford Companion to the Year (Oxford, 1999), 70–1Google Scholar.

³⁰ Marino (n. 25), 66.

³¹ McNeill (n. 23), 235–6.

³² Barker and Grant (n. 5).

³³ Forbes, H. A., ‘European agriculture viewed bottom-side upwards: fodder- and forage-provision in a traditional Greek community’, Environmental Archaeology, 1 (1998), 19–34CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁴ Koster, H.A., ‘The Ecology of Pastoralism in Relation to Changing Patterns of Land Use in North-East Peloponnese’ (unpublished Ph.D. diss.; University of Pennsylvania, 1977)Google Scholar.

³⁵ Netting (n. 7).

³⁶ Campbell (n. 21).

³⁷ Sivignon.

³⁸ Marino (n. 25), 42; Barker and Grant (n. 5), 30; Barker et al. (n. 25), 35 fig. 16.

³⁹ Klein (n. 2).

⁴⁰ Cf. Burgel, G., Pobia: Étude géographique d'un village crétois (Athens, 1965), 26–8Google Scholar on central Crete.

⁴¹ Marino (n. 25), 42–3; Barker et al. (n. 25), 34–6. In Spain there were special royal officials to enforce such rulings: Klein (n. 2), 18–22, 88–92.

⁴² Halstead, P. and Tierny, J., ‘Leafy hay: an ethnoarchaeological study in NW Greece’, Environmental Archaeology, 1 (1998), 71–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴³ Khazanov, A. M., Nomads and the Outside World (Cambridge, 1984)Google Scholar; Hodkinson (n. 8), 51–8; id., ‘Imperialist democracy and market-oriented pastoral production in classical Athens’, Anthropozoologica, 16 (1992), 53–60.

⁴⁴ S. Hodkinson, ‘Politics as a determinant of pastoralism: the case of southern Greece, ca. 800–300 BC’, in Maggi et al. (n. 10), 139–63

⁴⁵ Chaniotis, A., ‘Problems of “pastoralism” and “transhumance” in classical and hellenistic Crete’, Orbis Terrarum, 1 (1994), 1–50Google Scholar.

⁴⁶ Corbier, M., ‘Fiscus and patrimonium: the Saepinum inscription and transhumance in the Abruzzi’, JRS 73 (1983), 126–31Google Scholar; cf. Pasquinucci, M., ‘La transumanza nell'Italia romana’, in Pasquinucci, E. Gabba and, Strutture agrane e allevamento transumante nell' Italia romana (III I sec. a. c.) (Pisa, 1979), 75–182Google Scholar; Barker et al. (n. 25), 244.

⁴⁷ Klein (n. 2); cf. Braudel (n. 9), i. 91–4; García Martín (n. 2).

⁴⁸ Cribb (n. 5), 61–2, 135; state-run collectivist farms may organize nomadic pastoralism: Humphrey, C. and Sneath, D. (eds), Culture and Environment in Inner Asia, 2 vols (Cambridge, 1996), i. 3Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Killen, J. T., ‘The wool industry of Crete in the late bronze age’, BSA 59 (1964), 1–15Google Scholar; id., ‘The textile industries at Pylos and Knossos’, in C. W. Shclmerdine and T. G. Palaima (eds), Pylos Comes Alive (New York, 1984), 49–63; id., ‘Records of sheep and goats at Mycenaean Knossos and Pylos’, Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture, 7 (1993), 209–18; Barber, E., Prehistoric Textiles: The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Ages with Special Reference to the Aegean (Princeton, 1990), 284Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Halstead, P., ‘Lost sheep? On the Linear B evidence for breeding flocks at Mycenaean Knossos and Pylos’, Minos, 25–6 (1993), 343–65Google Scholar, id., ‘Missing sheep: On the meaning and wider significance of O in Knossos sheep records’, BSA 94 (1999), 145–66.

⁵¹ P. Garnsey, ‘Mountain economies in southern Europe. Thoughts on the early history, continuity and individuality of Mediterranean upland pastoralism’, in Whittaker (n. 8), 196–209. See Epstein, S. R., An Island for Itself: Economic Development and Social Change in Late Medieval Sicily (Cambridge, 1992), 169–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar for the development of this point in relation to late Medieval Sicily and Italy (a reference we owe to Dr N. Stargardt).

⁵² Alexandria: Goitein, S. D., A Mediterranean Society: The Jewish Communities of the Arab World as Portrayed by the Documents of the Cairo Geniza (Berkeley, 1967–1993), i. 46, 124Google Scholar; France and Italy: Thiriet, F., La Romanic vénitienne au moyen âge (BEFAR, 193; Paris, 1959), 324Google Scholar.

⁵³ Randolph, B., The Present State of the Islands in the Archipelago (Oxford, 1687), 85Google Scholar. The production of textiles in northern Greece war partly dependent on foreign markets: Rokou, V., ψφαντική οικιακή βιοτεχνία Μετσόβοσ, 18 αι.-20 αι. (Athens, 1994), 76–7Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ In the second millennium BC in parts of Greece, according to Halstead, P., ‘The development of agriculture and pastoralism in Greece: when, how, who and what?’, in Harris, D. R. (ed.), The Origins and Spread of Agriculture and Pastoralism in Eurasia (London, 1996), 296–309Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Sherratt, A. S., ‘Plough and pastoralism: aspects of the secondary products revolution’, in Hodder, I., Isaac, G., and Hammond, N. (eds), Patterns of the Past: Studies in Honour of David Clarke (Cambridge, 1981), 261–305Google Scholar; repr. in Sherratt, , Economy and Society in Prehistoric Europe: Changing Perspectives (Edinburgh, 1996), 158–98Google Scholar. Archaeozoology is an important tool in determining the use made of animals, though its interpretation is sometimes controversial: Payne, S., ‘Zooarchaeology in Greece: a reader's guide’, in Wilkie, N. C. and Coulson, W. D. E. (eds), Contributions to Aegean Archaeology: Studies in Honor of William A. McDonald (Minneapolis, 1985), 211–44Google Scholar; Halstead, P., ‘Pastoralism or household herding? Problems of scale and specialization in early Greek animal husbandry’, World Archaeology, 28 (1996), 20–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar; O'Connor, T. P., ‘On the difficulty of dating seasonal slaughtering of sheep’, Environmental Archaeology, 3 (1998), 5–11CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁶ Marino (n. 25), 54–6.

⁵⁷ Killen 1964 (n. 49) and 1984 (n. 49).

⁵⁸ Quoted in Chang, C. and Koster, H. A., ‘Beyond bones: toward an archaeology of pastoralism’, in Schiffer, M. B. (ed.), Advances in Archaeological Method and Theory, ix (New York, 1986), 97–148CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 98.

⁵⁹ Cribb (n. 5), 15–18.

⁶⁰ Koster (n. 34); Sherratt (n. 55); Hodkinson (n. 8); Forbes (n. 33); Foxhall, L., ‘Snapping up the unconsidered trifles: the use of agricultural residues in ancient Greek and Roman farming’, Environmental Archaeology, 1 (1998), 35–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶¹ Cribb (n. 5), 23–7.

⁶² For other examples of pastoral and agricultural calendars see Barker and Grant (n. 5), fig. 8 (on Cicolano mountains of central Italy); Campbell (n. 21), 19–24 (on pastoral year of the Sarakatsani of northern Greece); Greger, S., Village on the Plateau: Magoulas, a Mountain Village in Crete (Studley, 1988), 55Google Scholar (on Lasithi plateau of Crete); McNeill (n. 23), 113 (on Taurus mountains); Marino (n. 25), 40–2, 53–4 (on Abruzzi-Pugha); below, section VII.

⁶³ Koster (n. 34), 240–1; Lewthwaite (n. 27).

⁶⁴ Alcock, S. E., Cherry, J. F., and Davis, J. L., ‘Intensive survey, agricultural practices and the classical landscape of Greece’, in Morris, I. (ed.), Classical Greece: Ancient Histories and Modern Archaeologies (Cambridge, 1994), 137–70Google Scholar; A. Snodgrass, ‘Response: the archaeological aspects’, ibid. 197–200, at 199–200.

⁶⁵ Marino (n. 25), 43–4.

⁶⁶ Ibid. 58–60.

⁶⁷ Cf. Chang and Koster (n. 58), 103 on Greece.

⁶⁸ Brumfiel, E., ‘Weaving and cooking: women's production in Aztec Mexico’, in Gero, J. M. and Conkey, M. (eds), Engendering Archaeology: Women in Prehistory (Oxford, 1991), 224–51Google Scholar; M. Conkey, ‘Contexts of action, contexts for power: material culture and gender in the Magdalenian’, ibid. 57–92; J. Gero, ‘Gender lithics: women's roles in stone tool production’, ibid. 163–93.

⁶⁹ Above, section V; cf. also Oxby, C., ‘The involvement of agropastoralist women in livestock programmes’, in Wallace, T. (ed. with March, C.),Changing Perceptions: Writings on Gender and Development (Oxford, 1991), 202–9Google Scholar; C. Watson, ‘Turkana women: their contribution in a pastoralist society’, ibid. 193–201.

⁷⁰ Nixon, L., ‘Women, children and weaving’, in Betancourt, P. P., Karageorghis, V., Laffineur, R., and Niemeier, W.-D. (eds), Meletemata: Studies in Aegean Archaeology Presented to Malcolm H. Wiener as lie Enters his 65th Year (Aegaeum, 20; Liège and Austin, TX, 1999), 561–7Google Scholar.

⁷¹ Wace and Thompson, 78–84, 95, 119–20, and pls. 12 and 13 a.

⁷² Sivignon, 22.

⁷³ Ibid. 22.

⁷⁴ Chang and Tourtellotte; the same applies to Chang (n. 4).

⁷⁵ Basically, women spin and weave; they also do some finishing of woven cloth, but it seems that only men are fullers. Killen 1964 (n. 49); id., ‘The Knossos Ld (1) tablets’, in E. Risch and H. Mühlstein (eds), Colloquium Mycenaeum: Actes du VI^eme Colloque international sur les lextes mycéniens et égéens tenu à Chaumont sur Neuchâtel du 7 au 13 Septembre 1975 (Geneva 1979), 151–81 at 160 and n. 30; id. 1984 (n. 49); Barber (n. 49), 283; Palaima, T. G., ‘Potter and fuller: the royal craftsmen’, in Laffineur, R. and Betancourt, P. P. (eds), TEXNH: Craftsmen, Craftswomen and Craftsmanship in the Aegean Bronze Age (Aegaeum 16; Liège and Austin, TX, 1997), 407–12Google Scholar (mentioning a male fuller, and male purple dye-workers).

⁷⁶ Nixon (n. 70), 564–7, gives the argument; see also Killen 1984 (n. 49), 49–52; id., ‘Epigraphy and interpretation in the Knossos WOMAN and CLOTH records’, in J.-P. Olivier and T. G. Palaima (eds), Texts, Tablets and Scribes: Studies in Mycenaean Epigraphy and Economy Offered to Emmett L. Bennett, Jr. (Minos suppl. 10; Salamanca, 1988), 167–83; J. Chadwick, ‘The women of Pylos’, ibid. 43–5; Palaima (n. 75).

⁷⁷ Halstead, P., ‘The Mycenaean palatial economy, making the most of the gaps in the evidence’, PCPS 38 (1992), 57–86Google Scholar. Killen (pers. comm.) notes that there is evidence for weavers whom the centres did not control directly, provided by the commodity ^*146 on the Pylos Ma tablets, which is almost certainly a linen fabric. This cloth was not produced under palace direction, but acquired by the palace though the taxation system. There is no evidence about the sex of these weavers. Nixon (n. 70), 566 and n. 16.

⁷⁸ Harvey, J., Traditional Textiles of Central Asia (London, 1996), 47–8Google Scholar, with memorable photograph of a bearded Kohistani man spinning fleece with a drop spindle.

⁷⁹ Radostits, O. M., Blood, D. C., and Gray, C. C., Veterinary Medicine: A Textbook of the Diseases of Cattle, Sheep, Pigs, Goats, and Horses (8th edn.; London, 1994)Google Scholar; Antoniou, M., Tselentis, Y., Babalis, T., Gikas, A., Stratigakis, N., Vlaehonikolis, I., Kalatos, A., and Fioretos, M., ‘The seroprevalence ol ten zoönoses in two villages of Crete, Greece’, European Journal of Epidemiology, 11. 4 (1995), 415–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar (on Tymbaki and Anogeia).

⁸⁰ For photographs of women actively engaged in agricultural tasks in traditional Greece, see Trantalidou, K.. ‘Agriculture, animal husbandry, hunting, fishing’, in Papathanassopoulos, G. A. (ed.), Neolithic Culture in Greece (Athens, 1996), 95–101Google Scholar, at figs. 30 (winnowing), 31 (pounding pulses), 33 (ploughing), and I. Tzachili, ‘Weaving—basketry’, ibid, 137–9, at figs. 38 (sheep-shearing), 39 (spinning).

⁸¹ Halstead (n. 55), 35.

⁸² Peatfield, A., ‘Rural ritual in Bronze Age Crete: the peak sanctuary at Atsipadhes’, CAJ 2 (1992), 59–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 72, 78–9.

⁸³ Jost, M., Sanctuaires et cultes d'Arcadie (Paris, 1985), 439–49Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Borgeaud, P., The Cult of Pan in Ancient Greece (Chicago and London, 1988), 48–52Google Scholar; Jost (n. 83), 467–70.

⁸⁵ Lembesi, A., Το ιερό του Ερμή και της Αφροοδιτης στη Σύμη Βιάννου Ι, 1. Χάλκινα Κρητικά Τορεύματα (Archaeological Society, no. 102; Athens, 1985)Google Scholar, A35 on p. 36, pls. 20, 42 (Symi); G14 on pp. 56–7, pls. 27, 42 (Idaean Cave); p. 229. Also a bronze statuette of a man carrying a ram from a sanctuary in the Samaria Gorge: Niniou-Kindeli, V., Κρητική Εστία, 4 (1991–1993), 231–3Google Scholar.

⁸⁶ Andreadaki-Vlasaki, M., The County of Khania through its Monuments (Athens, 1997), 59, 60–1Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ These remarks draw on the paper by L. Nixon, ‘Sacred landscapes in early modern Greece: outlying churches and icon stands in Sphakia SW Crete’, presented at the ‘Work of Memory Conference’, Swansea, June 2000. A longer version is being submitted for publication.

⁸⁸ M. H. Jameson, ‘Sacrifice and animal husbandry in classical Greece’, in Whittaker (n. 8), 87–119, at 102–3.

⁸⁹ Wace and Thompson, 48.

⁹⁰ Ibid. 48, 77; Campbell (n. 21), 343–4; S. Georgoudi, ‘Quelques problemes de la transhumance dans la Grèce ancienne’, REG 87 (1974), 155–85, at 169 n. 54; in Italy two festivals of St Michael, 8 May and 29 September: Marino (n.25), 40, 44.

⁹¹ Murray, O., ‘The idea of the shepherd king from Cyrus to Charlemagne’, in PGodman, P. and Murray, O. (eds), Latin Poetry and the Classical Tradition (Oxford, 1990), 1–14Google Scholar, at 6.

⁹² Ibid. 7.

⁹³ Cf. ibid. 5.

⁹⁴ e.g. Appadurai, A. (ed.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge, 1986)CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For discussion of consumption among modern Cretan pastoralists, see now Vardaki, E., ‘Consuming Pastoralism: An Anthropological Insight in the Archaeology of Animal Husbandry’ (Ph. D. Diss., Oxford, 2001)Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Killen, J. T., ‘Thebes scalings, Knossos tablets and Mycenaean state banquets’, BICS 39 (1994), 67–84Google Scholar.

⁹⁶ Jameson (n. 88), 90–3. Fleeces do not themselves seem to have been a major pastoral product in the Bronze Age, but they may have had a special, restricted use for ceremonial wear, e.g. the ‘priestess’ from the West House at Akrotiri may be wearing a fleece garment (Immerwahr, S. A., Aegean Painting in the Bronze Age (University Park, PA, 1990), pl. 21)Google Scholar; and some ol the men and women involved in sacrifice on sides A and B of the Haghia Triadha sarcophagus wear fleecy-looking kilts or skirts (ibid., pls. 50, 51). Actual hides in Linear B are ox-hides where careful account of them was kept (Shelmerdine, C. W., ‘Review of Aegean prehistory VI: the palatial Bronze Age of the southern and central Greek mainland’, AJA 101 (1997), 537–85CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 567 and n. 186); their final use was not recorded but leather is only the most obvious. Aegean wall-paintings show spotted animals, garments, and objects made from (ox-)hides, e.g. sacrificial bovines appearing together with the fleeces on the Haghia. Triadha sarcophagus; bulls from Mycenae (Immerwahr, ibid., pl. 16); figure-of-eight shields from several sites (Tiryns: Immerwahr, ibid., pl. 19); a ship's cabin from Thera (Immerwahr, ibid., pl. 15); and a chariot box on the Haghia Triadha Sarcophagus (Immerwahr, ibid., pl. 52). That hides had value is confirmed, for example, by the fifth century BC inscription for the appointment of a priestess for the Temple of Athene Nike on the Akropolis at Athens, whose salary included money, plus legs and hides from public sacrifices (ML no. 44 = IG i³, 35). In the fourth century BC the taxes on upwards of 850 oxen sacrificed annually at Athens were a significant element in stale revenues (Rosivach, V. J., The System of Public Sacrifice in Fourth-Century Athens (American Classical Studies, 34; Atlanta, GA, 1994)Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ Gavrielides, N., ‘Name days and feasting: social and ecological implications of visiting patterns in a Greek village of the Argolid’, Anthropological Quarterly, 47 (1974), 48–70CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁸ Herzfeld, M., The Poetics of Manhood. Contest and Identity in a Cretan Mountain Village (Princeton, 1985), 163–205Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Shaw, B. D., ‘“Eaters of flesh, drinkers of milk”: the ancient Mediterranean ideology of the pastoral nomad”. Ancient Society, 13–14 (1982–1983), 5–31Google Scholar, repr. in id., Rulers, Nomads, and Christians in Roman North Africa (Aldershot and Brookfield, VA, 1995), ch. 6.

¹⁰⁰ Sherratt (n. 55).

¹⁰¹ Barber (n. 49), 314–30.

¹⁰² Shelmerdine (n. 96), 562.

¹⁰³ Barber (n. 49), 358–82.

¹⁰⁴ Cf. above, section VI on gender; Papantoniou, I., Τα Κρητικά ψφαντά Γεωμετρικα Ευθυγραμμα Περαμιοτά (Mouseio Kritikis Ethnologias Vori, 8; Athens, 1986)Google Scholar; Rokou (n. 53).

¹⁰⁵ Sherratt (n. 55), 276–7 = 174–5; id., ‘The secondary exploitation of animals in the Old World’, in id. 1996 (n. 55), 199–228, at 205–8.

¹⁰⁶ Murray (n. 91), 3.

¹⁰⁷ Cf. again Shaw (n. 99). Shaw, B. D., ‘Fear and loathing: the nomad menace and Roman Africa’, in Wells, C. M. (ed.), Roman Africa/L'Afrique romaine (Revue de l'Université d'Ottawa, 52; Ottawa, 1982), 25–46Google Scholar, repr. in id., Shaw 1995 (n. 99, ch. 7), shows that the actual relationship between nomads and the settled population in Roman north Africa was one of symbiosis.

¹⁰⁸ Chang, C., ‘Pastoral transhumance in the southern Balkans as a social ideology: ethnoarchaeological research in northern Greece’, American Anthropologist, 95 (1993), 687–703CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ Murray (n. 91), 4.

¹¹⁰ West, M. L., The East Face of Helicon: West Astatic Elements in Early Poetry and Myth (Oxford, 1997)Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Cf. Buxton, R. G. A., ‘Imaginary Greek mountains’, JHS 112 (1992), 1–15CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and id., Imaginary Greece: The Contexts of Mythology (Cambridge, 1994), 81–96.

¹¹² Morgan, G., ‘Cretan poetry: sources and inspiration’, Kr. Chron. 14 (1960), 7–68, 203–70, 379–434Google Scholar, at 9–43 (repr. Heraklion, 1960); Herzfeld (n. 98), 26–33.

¹¹³ Chang and Tourtellotte.

¹¹⁴ Wace and Thompson, 4, 53–8, 153–6.

¹¹⁵ Ibid. 50.