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The First English Traveller's Account of Athos

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  18 October 2013

Extract

John Covel, afterwards Master of Christ's College, Cambridge, visited Athos from Lemnos on his way from Constantinople to England in the spring of 1677. His letter of recommendation from Nointel (which he hoped might be of use if he fell amongst French ‘privateers’) and his circular letter to the monasteries from Manolaki Petrovitzes are preserved in his correspondence.

The Athos notes are bound partly in the Folio MS. (Add. 22, 912) and partly in the Quarto (Add. 22, 914). They are very hastily written and ill arranged. I have therefore taken considerable liberties with the text, revising punctuation, resolving contractions, and (for the convenience of the reader) often transcribing words written wholly or partly in the Greek character; such words are indicated by italics.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © The Council, British School at Athens 1911

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References

page 103 note 1 See B.S.A. xii. 211: note below the Cambridge use of ‘court,’ ‘chapel,’ and ‘hall.’

page 103 note 2 § 1, below.

page 103 note 3 Manolaki of Castoria, a retired furrier of great wealth, was at this time one of the most prominent figures at the Patriarchate, and notable as an early benefactor of Greek education (Gedeon, , Χρον. τῆς Πατριαρχιῆς Ἀκαδημίας 124131Google Scholar; cf. Journal d'Antoine Galland, i. 170, ii. 63). Covel mentions him by name in Add. 22,912, f. 158: in the printed Journals, p. 158, the name is for some (or no) reason omitted. Manolaki is here spoken of as a creditor of the hospodars and treasurer (ἐπίτροπος τοῦ παγκαρίου) of the Patriarchate: in this capacity he presented a chest (παγγάρι) inlaid with ivory to the Patriarchate in 1669 (Gedeon, , Χρον. τοῦ Πατρ. Οἴκου, 109Google Scholar). An inscription on this chest mentions the name of his wife Roxandra, whose maiden-name appears not to be known. Covel speaks of Manolaki as ‘brother-in-law of Drakos’, which may give a hint to those better informed than myself. A bey of Moldavia named Drakos is mentioned by Rycaut, s.a. 1679, p. 3.

page 103 note 4 Brit. Mus. Add. 22, 910, ff. 130, 143 respectively: the latter is addressed πανοσιώτατοι καὶ αὶδεσιμώτατοι καθηγούμενοί τε καὶ προιγούμενοι πάντες τῆς ἰερᾶς συνάξεως τοῦ ἁγίου ὄρους dated March 28 (o.s.) and signed Μανόλη Covel had further a letter from a προηγούμενος of Lavra whom he had met at Gallipoli on his journey (Add. 22,914, f. 36).

Page 104 note 1 The headings of the sections are not in the original.

Page 104 note 2 He arrived at Lemnos April 27.

Page 104 note 3 ‘Concerning Mt. Athos, especially the monastery of the Iveron and the famous picture,’ f. 345.

Page 104 note 4 Caracllou and Philothéou are described on f. 351, which lacks the original consecutive pagination of the others.

Page 104 note 5 Cf. § 7.

Page 104 note 6 §§ 4, 14. The notes on the isthmus, § 15, are of course derived from the monks; the canal of Xerxes has been seen by many recent travellers and lately surveyed by Struck, (Maked. Fahrten., i. 68).Google Scholar

Page 104 note 7 Liber Insularum, § 70. The earliest English mention of the monasteries is that of W. Wey (1462, Itineraries, p. 78). Other early notices are those of Aless. Ariosto (1475–8, Viaggio, p. 11) and J. Thenaud (1512, Voyage, p. 137); but none of these visited the Mountain. The best early accounts are those of the Russian pilgrims published by Khitrovo.

Page 104 note 8 Observations: the plate seems to have been engraved for Portraicts d'Oiseaux, but is frequently lacking: it was adapted by Thevet for his Cosmog. Univ. (ii. 810).

Page 105 note 1 Omont, , Miss. Archéol. i. 6Google Scholar (cf. below, § 16). A Russian agent is mentioned ibid. p. 7, cf. Smyrnakes, p. 371.

Page 105 note 2 Greek Church, ch. xi. p. 216: the debt is everywhere apparent.

Page 105 note 3 In Omont's, Missions Archéologiques, ii. 994 ff.Google Scholar, and elsewhere. Tournefort's chapter on Greek monasticism is entertaining and (for the time) impartial.

Page 105 note 4 Hugues Crevellier was one of the most celebrated pirates in the Aegean at this period; he was killed the following year. The best account of him is in Sauger's, Hist. des Ducs, 310319Google Scholar; see also Lucas, , Voyage, 1704, 226Google Scholar; Randolph, , Archipelago, 54Google Scholar; de Burgo, , Viaggio, 342.Google Scholar

Page 105 note 5 See above, p. 103.

Page 105 note 6 The patriarch Dionysios Bardales was at this time living in retirement at the Lavra (Gedeon, Πατριαρχικοὶ Πὶνακες No. 22, also in ᾿Εκκλησιαστικὴ ᾿Αλήθεια ii. 608, ᾿´Αθως 159; cf. Millet's, Inscriptions, Nos. 161, 166Google Scholar).

Page 106 note 1 Lentils.

Page 106 note 2 A Turkish weight equivalent to about 2½ lbs.

Page 106 note 3 Μέτρο, a Greek measure containing 12 okes.

Page 106 note 4 Adv. Haereses, De Divino Templo, s. xvii. This MS. passed with the rest of Covel's collection to the Earl of Oxford, and is now in the British Museum (Harl. 5574).

Page 106 note 5 Barsky's plan of the famous refectory at Lavra is given by Beylié, , L'Habitation Byzantine, p. 66.Google Scholar

Page 106 note 6 1578, according to Smyrnakes, 386.

Page 107 note 1 Part of this inscription, on a picture of the Panagia Oeconómissa in the chapel of the Forty Martyrs, is known to Millet. No archbishop of Samos named Martyrios is known, though the series is given by Georgirenes, , Samos, 34 ff.Google Scholar

Page 107 note 2 For the legend see Georgirenes, , Samos, 88Google Scholar; Agapios, iii. 301, etc. At the present day Lavra elects no ὀκονόμος the δικαῖος taking his place (Smyrnakes, 399).

Page 107 note 3 Palamas gained notoriety in the discussion as to the nature (‘created’ or ‘uncreated’) of the Light on Tabor, the question being settled by a council in 1351.

Page 107 note 4 The inscription (Millet, 333) was removed from the narthex or the catholicon in 1814 but still preserved.

Page 107 note 5 See below, §§ 12, 13.

Page 108 note 1 The reference is to Millet's inscription (391) of 1635 dating the painting of the phiale.

Page 108 note 2 Cf. below, p. 129, on building dates at Athos.

Page 108 note 3 I.e. penitential prostrations; see below, § 6.

Page 108 note 4 Nectarius, ᾿Επιτομὴ ῾Ιεροκοσμικῆς ῾Ιστορίας but I can find no reference to S. Athanasius in it.

Page 108 note 5 From χαμηλαύχιον a monk's cap, shaped like a fez but made of coarse black felt.

Page 108 note 6 Eucharistic bread.

Page 108 note 7 Kilés, a Turkish grain-measure equal to a bushel.

Page 108 note 8 The cell of Athanasius has now been demolished (Smyrnakes, 384).

Page 108 note 9 This refers to the tower by the sea.

Page 108 note 10 For the true cross at Athos see Riley's elaborate note, pp. 405–6.

Page 109 note 1 Pt. 3, p. 298; cf. Millet (380) and Riley.

Page 109 note 2 Covel has three other notes on S. Anna:—

(1) A. 39 r. St. Anne depend on it (sc. Lavra).

(2) A. 41 v. There is likewise a little monastery of St. Anne under the jurisdiction of Laura and hath about 30 Kalogeroi; they are a colony from thence.

(3) Ibid. St. Anne hath 60 monks: some bind books, weaue, make crosses, ἐγκόλπια spoons, beads.

The carving industry is an old one, and is mentioned by Thevet, , Cosm. Univ. ii. 811Google Scholar; Crusius, , T.-G. IIII. xlvii. 332.Google Scholar It is now carried on chiefly at the hermitages of Kapsokalývia and Katonákia, in the extreme south of the peninsula, where cultivation is almost impossible.

Page 109 note 3 See below, § 4, for the taxation of the monasteries: the dollar mentioned is probably the Dutch lion-dollar, worth about 4s. 6d.

Page 109 note 4 Farms, worked on the métayer system; they are said at the present day also to bring in little revenue since the confiscation of the rich Rumanian estates; the situation is aggravated by the rise in wages consequent on emigration.

Page 109 note 5 ᾿Α†στρατι ῾´Αγιος Εὐστράτιος an island near Lemnos.

Page 109 note 6 ᾿Ορμυλία in the Chalcidice.

Page 109 note 7 At f. 45 r occurs the note: Laura, hegoumenos very good man, his name Parthenius: prohegoumenos Hierotheos, ecclesiarches Joseph.

Page 109 note 8 See below, § 6.

Page 110 note 1 More correctly Δοχειάριος contracted Δοχειάρης and so with the titles following.

Page 110 note 2 Now called ἀρχονταρίκιον

Page 110 note 3 Services lasting all night.

Page 110 note 4 The word is still in use on Athos: see Ducange, s.v. μαγκιπεῖον and cf. μαγκύπιον in Millet's inscr. 405.

page 111 note 1 §2.

page 111 note 2 For contemporary confirmation cf. Braconnier, 1021, and (much later) Leake, , N. Greece, iii. 133.Google Scholar

Page 112 note 1 Pp. 232, 343.

Page 112 note 2 Gerlach, (Tagebuch, 460)Google Scholar assesses the taxation of the monasteries in a very depressed period (1578) at 18,000 dollars.

Page 112 note 3 These were, according to Rycaut, Philotheou, Russiko, and Castamonitou.

Page 112 note 4 I.e. Zecchino, sequin, a Venetian gold coin worth about 8s.

Page 112 note 5 Probably the author of the statement, possibly the Agathone mentioned in the account of Lemnos (printed ed. p. 284).

Page 113 note 1 S. Athanasius of Athos and Transfiguration respectively.

Page 113 note 2 Langlois (pp. 61, 66, 67) gives a list of documents shewing that the following also had σταυροπήγιον. Simopetra (1591). Pantokratoros, Koutloumousi, and Dionysiou (fourteenth century). Xeropotamou received the privilege in 1682.

Page 113 note 3 I.e. Excommunication. This rule is now modified, but smoking in the courts is not allowed, a regulation which would have struck Covel as familiar.

Page 113 note 4 With this list compare that of Zosimus (c. 1420) in Itinéraires Russes, 208, and of Isaias (1489, ibid. 260 ff.), the latter particularly interesting as shewing the prominence of the Slavs at this date.

Page 113 note 5 C. derives from Τοξάρι the word is really δοχειαρίου (storekeeper), as above, § 3.

Page 113 note 6 The ‘long story’ occurs first, as far as I know, in the Russian account of Isaias, (Itin. Russes, 260–1)Google Scholar, and is pleasantly told by Rycaut.

Page 114 note 1 At f. 45 r. occurs the note: “Bellonius saith Athos is not seen aboue 30 mile, yet we can in a clear day see it from Sultan Solyman at Stanbol.” Braconnier (996) says the Selimyeh could be seen from Athos, which Leake (128) calls ‘a vulgar error.’

Page 114 note 2 I.e. prostrations, see Rycaut, , Greek Church, 258.Google Scholar

Page 114 note 3 Συνάπτειν to say the offices of various hours together (Lee, Glossary, s.v.).

Page 114 note 4 Nicaea; cf. Wulff, , Koimesiskirche, p. 3, etc.Google Scholar

Page 114 note 5 Viz. Ακολουθία πρὸς ἀρχάριον ῥασοφοροῦντα. The rubric is: ἀποτίθεται τὴ συνήθη ἱμἁτια . . . καὶ ἴσταται ἐπὶ τῶν βασιλικῶν πυλῶν ἅζωστος ἀνυπόδετος καὶ ἀσκεπής

Page 114 note 6 The service is called ῾Ακολουθία τοῦ μικροῦ σχήματος ἤτοι τοῦ μανδύου

Page 115 note 1 ᾿Αστακοὶ (lobsters).

Page 115 note 2 ᾿Οκτωπόδια (octopuses).

Page 115 note 3 Cuttle-fish.

Page 115 note 4 See ῾Αμαρτωλῶν Σωτηρία p. 380, for this miracle.

Page 115 note 5 See below, p. 129.

Page 115 note 6 Observations, I. xlv.

Page 115 note 7 Stoles.

Page 115 note 8 A representation of the Entombment in embroidery, exposed at Easter: a fine example is figured by Millet, Pl. XI.

Page 116 note 1 The real origin of the name of the monastery is, I believe, unknown, but cf. Gedeon, 186: it is possibly connected with the Rumanian town of the same name, but the emperor Caracalla figures among the κτίτορες in the paintings of a chapel of the monastery (Millet, 328).

Page 116 note 2 The Pachomii (in religion) were Peter Rarés, voivode of Bugdania (Moldavia) 1527–8 and 1541–6 and his spatharios, of whom is related (Braconnier, 1013; cf. Millet, 311) a story similar to that of Murtzas at Koutloumousi, but ending in the adoption of the monastic life by both hero and villain.

Page 116 note 3 A single court is the rule at Athos, the only exceptions being Gregoriou, where the second court is modern, and Vatopedi, where a subsidiary hospital court has been added, also in recent times. The ordinary course of reconstruction is to include the original court in the larger scheme (cf. especially Chiliandari, Xenophontos), but at Lavra the crowded buildings give somewhat the effect of separate courts.

Page 117 note 1 Πνευματικοὶ are monks in orders (ἱερομόναχοι) especially confessors. There are usually only sufficient of them to officiate at church services.

Page 117 note 2 This inscription (in gothic capitals) is unknown to Millet, but the use of bells is shewn by the date (1427) of the belfry at Vatopedi to be ancient at Athos. Other old bells are cited by Brockhaus, p. 256. Bells are only rung at great festivals and seasons of rejoicing, the Semantron being ordinarily used.

Page 117 note 3 The dedication of the catholicon.

Page 117 note 4 See below, p. 129.

Page 117 note 5 The inscription is Millet's 304 (1540), cf. 305 (1542).

Page 117 note 6 Cf. Breuning, , Orient. Reyss. (1579), p. 75Google Scholar, and Tournefort's account of Georgia (Letter vi.).

Page 117 note 7 The Διἡγησιος (in Gedeon, p. 177) says the vaulting was repaíred 1672 at the charges of ᾿Ασώτης of Iberia; he also restored the paintings of the Portaïtissa chapel in 1683 (Millet 264). The paintings of the refectory were restored again in 1848 (Millet, 275, 277).

Page 117 note 8 Gedeon, , Ἄθως, 165Google Scholar; cf. Millet, 254, etc.

Page 118 note 1 The Διήγησις 173, states that Iveron was sacked by pirates in 6707=1199: for Michael Palaeologus and Beccus see Gedeon, 137 ff. In 1602 Iveron was assisted by the Prince of Iberia to the extent of 12,000 florins (Διήγησις Gedeon, 175).

Page 118 note 2 Cf. Millet, 289, 290; Gedeon, (Διήγησις, 177).Google Scholar Gregorios is however the name of the hegoumenos, not of the voivode, as Covel. The date of this tower (Fig. 3) is 1625: the expenses were borne by Galaktion, bishop of Elasson and the voivode of Wallachia.

Page 118 note 3 According to Smyrnakes (460) the chapel replaces a temple of Poseidon, but archaeology is a weak point on Athos.

Page 118 note 4 So text: Mahomet seems to be meant, but the point is obscure.

Page 119 note 1 Ital. stufa, a hot-house: here apparently some kind of hypocaust is meant.

Page 119 note 2 The inscription of the fountain (A.M. 7127=1619) is given by Millet (282). The other date (7831=2223) is of course miscopied.

Page 119 note 3 Lambros, Catal. Athos MSS. * 5,504 (1384).

Page 119 note 4 Assumption.

Page 119 note 5 Millet, 231: the inscription refers to George Mtatsmindel, hegoumenos of Iveron 1052–6, but is probably not contemporary.

Page 119 note 6 The north-eastern of the four columns supporting the dome.

Page 119 note 7 Agapios Landos, a monk of Crete, was the author of the famous ῾Αμαρτωλῶν Σωτηρία which contains accounts of many miracles of the Virgin, that of Portaïtissa iii. 305.

Page 119 note 8 I.e. the κανὼν παρακλητικὸς εἰς τὴν ὑπεραγίαν Θεοτόκον ποίημα ἐνθύμιον μοναχοῦ Συγκέλλου (in the Εὐχολόγιον).

Page 119 note 9 Probably John Basilicos (1563–4), possibly Basil the Albanian (1634–54): the lamp seems to be no longer known.

Page 119 note 10 See below, § 13.

Page 119 note 11 I.e. embroidered in tent stitch.

page 120 note 1 The upper grade of monk; see Riley, Athos.

page 120 note 2 Porter, doorkeeper.

page 120 note 3 For νοσοκόμος as μεσοκομῖον for νοσολομεῖον in Covel.

page 120 note 4 A land measure still used, equivalent to two stremmata, i.e. about half an acre.

page 120 note 5 The date of the foundation is c. 1542.

page 121 note 1 Millet, 160.

page 121 note 2 This detail, given also by the Proskynetarion, is derived from two inscriptions (Millet, 161, 188): the benefactors were logothetae, not voivodes, and the date about 1536.

page 121 note 3 The Patriarch Païsios I. sat for nine months of 1651 and eleven in 1658, Anthimus II. for a short time in 1623. The latter retired to the Lavra, where he died in 1628: his epitaph is given by Millet (394). He built a tower there, and seems to have done something to improve the monastery, which was much decayed at his arrival (Gedeon, 159; cf. Crusius, , T-G. 332, 343Google Scholar).

page 121 note 4 A selection of homilies for every Sunday in the year arranged by Agapios.

page 121 note 5 A.M. 7005=1497: the real date is, however, 1520 (Millet, 494). Neagoe Bassarabas, voivode of Moldavia 1512–21, was a great benefactor to Athos, and built the church of Curtea d'Argesh in Rumania. He was preceded and succeeded by Radul V. and Radul VI. respectively.

page 121 note 6 Cf. the story of the Pachomii at Caracallou: the same Myrtzas is mentioned by Covel at Vatopedi.

page 121 note 7 The true spelling is undoubtedly Καρυὲς (‘hazels’), though monkish philology connects the word with κάρα (‘skull’), and καραῖς is found early.

page 121 note 8 The name πρωτάτον is used in early documents (Langlois, 54 [1030], 65 [1319]) for the ‘parliament’ of Athos originally presided over by the πρῶτος it has now been transferred to the building in which it assembled, exactly like the modern κοινότης

page 122 note 1 The modern salutation on Athos is ῾Εὐλογεῖτε,᾿ to which the reply is ῾Καὶ ὁ Κύριος ᾿ or ῾νὰ συγχωρήσῃ ὁ Θεός.᾿

page 122 note 2 From Millet's inscription (2), 1512.

page 122 note 3 This is a slight modification of the arrangement represented by Meyer (p. 80), and shews that the reform of 1780–5 was a return to the ancient practice.

page 122 note 4 The bishopric of Eresos rules no longer, all the monas ries being now stavropegia.

page 122 note 5 Mosque.

page 122 note 6 The chief gardener of the Sultan, who then ruled Athos through his subordinate the Aga.

page 123 note 1 The last part of the inscription is a clumsy copy of a rendering of the Greek in old Slavonic: it implies the substitution of εὐλαβεστάτου or εὐλαβεστάτου for εὐλαβεστάτου above. The voivode Stephanus (1456–1504) has left an inscription (Millet, 137) at the arsenal of Vatopedi: he was also a benefactor of Zographou (Braconnier, 1007).

page 123 note 2 The connection with Constantine is of course purely legendary.

page 123 note 3 1634–54, see above, § 9.

page 123 note 4 The (implied) inscription is unknown to Millet. The benefactor was probab'y one of the Moldavian voivodes, Mircea II. (1418–19), or more probably III. (1545–54 and 1558–9): cf. Millet, 462.

page 123 note 5 Antiport, Anteport=curtain.

page 123 note 6 Two monograms (᾿Ανδρόνικος Παλαιολόγος δεσπότης) are figured by Millet (Pl. II. 2, No. 74) from a curtain at Vatopedi, but these appear to be different.

page 124 note 1 The suggested derivation is from (Bulg.) chiliado (=thousand) and (Tk.) aré (=bee). The word is also said to mean ‘1,000 lions’ λεοντἀρια and ‘1,000 robbers,’ the latter from a legendary attack on the monastery.

page 124 note 2 Covel now returns to Vatopedi.

page 124 note 3 Peteraro=Sp. Pedrero, a gun originally intended for projecting stones (cf. Fr. Pierrier). All guns were removed from Athos after the Revolution troubles: Hunt mentions them still in 1800 at Vatopedi.

page 125 note 1 The well-known wooden beam or iron bar struck with a hammer to announce services, etc.

page 125 note 2 A.M. 6935=1427 (Millet, 115 b: the inscription and tower are shown in Pl. XI.).

page 126 note 1 Millet, 114, with date ς,νδ´ = 1546.

page 126 note 2 The inscription (not in Millet) is evidently from a bell: ‘from Poland’ is probably a misunderstanding of the signature of the Venetian bell-founders de Polis. Cf. Millet, 38 (inscription on a bell at Protaton), Opus aeratum de Polis, where heredum should be read as in a Chian bell inscription (᾿Αθηνᾶ xx. 298 (49). Bells were exported by Venice to the East already in the fourteenth century (Anon. Coloniensis, , in Z. f. Deutsche Philologie, xix. 70Google Scholar).

page 126 note 3 Stavropegion: the derivation is from the planting of a cross sent by the patriarch on the altar of the church taken under his protection; see Εὐχολόγιον

page 126 note 4 This church, well illustrated by Brockhaus, was built in 1568 by Alexander of Moldavia: the high proportions, large narthex, tall domes, and especially the buttresses (unique in Athos) are Moldavian features (cf. Rev. Arch. 19102, 88 ff.).

page 126 note 5 This form of the more correct ᾿Εσφιγμένου occurs also in the Proskynetarion.

page 126 note 6 The phialé of Esphigménou is mentioned by Smyrnakes, himself an Esphigmenite monk, as no longer existing (p. 640).

page 127 note 1 See however Leake, , N. Greece, 145Google Scholar. Struck, , Maked. Fahrten, i. 68.Google ScholarPaïsius, (Itin. Russes), 281Google Scholar, gives the interesting information that in his day (1550) ships were dragged across the isthmus.

page 127 note 2 See above, p. 105.

page 127 note 3 Meyer, , Haupturkunden, p. 61.Google Scholar

page 128 note 1 Ibid. Stavroniketa was founded (1542) as a coenobion (Νέος ῾Ελληνομνημων vii. 174 [191]).

page 128 note 2 Gedeon, , Ἄθως, p. 867Google Scholar; Smyrnakes, (Ἄγιον Ὄρος, p. 44)Google Scholar has 1573 (cf. Païsius, of Chiliandari, , Itin. Russes, 280Google Scholar), and says it was idiorrhythmic in 1661.

page 128 note 3 Gerlach, (Tagebuch, 459) in 1578Google Scholar, on the authority of Athonite monks, says that all the monasteries had their hegoumenoi, thus implying that they were coenobia, since idiorrhythmic convents are governed by a committee: but in some cases a titular hegoumenos is appointed.

page 128 note 4 Meyer, 82: to the list must be added Castamonitou(1799, Smyrnakes, p. 685).

page 128 note 5 The word begs the question, since the partisans of the idiorrhythmic rule claim that it is the older as representing the original grouping of hermits. To a western the community of goods and close association of the coenobion seems indispensable to monastic rule, and the actual life of the coenobion stricter and more austere.

page 129 note 1 Above, § 9.

page 129 note 2 Above, § 8.

page 129 note 3 Above, § 7.

page 129 note 4 Millet, , Inscriptions, 411413.Google Scholar The others are dated: A. Monastery towers; Iveron 1492 (Gedeon, 173), Dionysiou 1520 (Millet, 494), Caracallou c. 1524 (Petros Rares), Stavroniketa c. 1546 (cf. M. 214), Pantokratoros c. 1536 (M. 161), Docheiariou 1578 (Braconnier, 1005), H. Pavlou 1700 (Gedeon, 189): B. Harbour towers; Caracallou 1534 (M. 332), Simopetra 1567 (M. 536), Iveron 1622–5 (Gedeon, M. 289–90).

page 129 note 5 This chronological point seems worth making, since very erroneous opinions prevail on the subject: cf. especially Tozer, , Highlands of Turkey, i. 54.Google Scholar

page 129 note 6 Most of Docheiariou, old court of Xenophontos, parts of Lavra, Stavroniketa, Pantokratoros, Dionysiou. The range at H. Pavlou mentioned by Brockhaus as dated (probably falsely: see Millet, 437) 1423, was recently destroyed by fire.

page 129 note 7 H. Pavlou, Philotheou, most of Russiko, Zographou, and Esphigmenou, new court of Gregoriou.

page 129 note 8 Building was probably stimulated by a firman of Achmet III. in 1719, which permitted fallen and decayed buildings to be rebuilt on the old lines, without the formalities hitherto insisted on (Smyrnakes, 141).

page 129 note 9 E. side of Xenophontos, old court; range on S. side of Lavra; cf. Barsky's drawings.

page 130 note 1 A fine example in the seaward range of Xenophontos, where the designs are based on those of Persian faïence.

page 130 note 2 Good examples at Koutloumousi (N. range), Xeropotamou (S. E. corner), Zographou (E.range), Chiliandari (W. side).