¹ I express my gratitude to the following who have helped me by their comments: Mr. T. J. Dunbabin, Professors S. S. Weinberg, H. A. Thompson, A. J. B. Wace, and many friends at the Institute for Advanced Study, Princeton, where this paper was written.

² Halliday, W. R., Plutarch's Greek Questions (1928), 92Google Scholar, agreeing with Giessen, in Philologus LX 461 f.Google Scholar

³ A large number of proverbs evidently figured in Aristotle's Constitutions cf., for example, frs. 552, 553, 554, 558, 565, etc.

⁴ IG IV² 42. 18.

⁵ This is a disputed point which is discussed by Hanell, K., Megarische Studien (1934), 138 f.Google Scholar For a time just after 306 B.C., when Demetrius placed a garrison in Aegosthena, there were six strategoi, and Aegosthena probably became a kome in the political sense of being a subdivision of the Megarian state. Hanell regards the years after 306 B.C. as exceptional, in that Demetrius gave Aegosthena political status as well as a garrison, and thereby raised the divisions to a total of six. Hanell's view is followed in my text.

⁶ IG VII (1) 17, wherein κώμα is a technical term for a privileged community and not just any village.

⁷ See JHS LXX 59 f.

⁸ The origin of the Corinthian state is similar, although the attribution to Aletes is anachronistic, in Suidas s.v. ῾πὰντα ὸκτὼ ᾿:᾿Αλὴτης κατὰ χρησμὸν τοὺς Κορινθὶους συνοικὸзων ὸκτὼ φυλὰς ὲποιὴσε τοὺς πολὶτας καὶ ὸκτὼ μὲρη τὴν πὸλιν

⁹ Halliday, op. cit. 95 f.

¹⁰ Strabo 392.

¹¹ Strabo 393, 333, 653. Hdt. V 76 Δωριὲες . . . . . Μὲγαρα κατοὶκισαν Scymnus 502 f., Μὲγαρα, Δωρικὴ πὸλις σὺμπαντεσ αὺτὴν ὲπὸλισαν γὰρ Δωριεὶς πλεὶστα Κορὶνθιοι δὲ Μεσσὴνιοι When Megara competed for entry into the Homeric Catalogue she did not name Megara but Polichne, Aegeiroussa, Nisaea, and Tripodes (Strabo 394).

¹² Hanell, op. cit. 207 f., lists seven such colonies, together with many personal names derived from Hera; at Megara Hyblaea a temple of Hera on the coast in D.S. XX 32. 4; at Byzantium Dion. Byz. fr. 9 in GGM II 23; and at Calchedon, St. Byz. s.v. ‘Hpoia’.

¹³ Paus. I 39. 4 Κορινθὶων καὶ τῶν ᾶλλων αυμμὰχων τοις ὲθὲλουσιν ὲδωκαν οὶκῆσαι

¹⁴ Hanell, op. cit. 88 f.

¹⁵ Paus. I 43. 8.

¹⁶ The spoils won by Megara with the aid of Argos from Corinth, recorded in Paus. VI 19. 13, are undatable.

¹⁷ Tyrtaeus 5 in Paus. IV 14. 4 f.

¹⁸ Hdt. VI 58 shows the compulsion put upon perioikoi and helots to attend the funeral of a king.

¹⁹ Orsippus in Hicks and Hill, GHI, no. 1. and Schol. Thuc. 16; Coroebus, in Anth. Pal. VII 154.Google Scholar They have in common the words φὰμα Δελφὶς and the epigram on Orsippus is sometimes said to be by Simonides.

²⁰ Strabo 380.

²¹ Xenophon, HG IV 5. 1 f.Google Scholar

²² See Perachora I 23 f.

²³ Strabo 380: ὲν τῶ μετα ξὺ τοῦ Λεχαὶου καὶ Παγῶν τὸ τῆς ᾿Ακραὶας μαντεὶον ᾿Ηρας ὺπῆρχε τὸ παλαιὸν

²⁴ Megara Hyblaea, D.S. XX 32.4, ὲξεκολὺμβησαν πρὸς τινα ναὸν ᾿Ηρας Calchedon, St. Byz. s.v. ῾῾Ηραὶα, ὰκρα . . . . καταντικρὺ Καλχηδὸνος Byzantium, , GGM II 23Google Scholar = Dion. Byz. fr. 9, temple destroyed by Xerxes but annual sacrifice by Megarians there. In the cases of ᾿Yβλα ῾Ηραὶα (St. Byz. s.v. ῾Yβλα) and ῾Ηραὶα near Astacus (St. Byz. s.v.) we do not know whether there was a cult ᾿Ηρα ᾿Ακραὶα, but both were probably beside water.

²⁵ Perachora I 30.

²⁶ Perachora I 21.

²⁷ No trace of an oracle has been found at the temple site (Perachora I 19), but its presence may account for the richness of the votive deposits. Dunbabin, , BSA XLVI (1951), 61 f.Google Scholar, suggests that it was associated with an artificial pool built c. 750. A natural feature may be more probable. It was perhaps associated with a sea-washed cave such as Stephanus Byzantinus describes s.v. ῾Ηραὶα near Calchedon.

²⁸ The ethnic of ῾Ηραὶα is given by Stephanus Byzantinus as ῾Ηραιεὶς or ῾Ηραεῑς and the ethnic of ῾Ηραιον as ῾Ηραιοι In the districts with which we are concerned there may have been a ῾Ηραὶα κὼμη and a Περαὶα κὼμη but I am more inclined to suppose that the κὼμαι had different names and that the ῾Ηραεῑς and Πιραεῑς were named from the districts and not the κὼμαι The district ‘Peraia’ probably included the modern Loutráki.

²⁹ I see no force in the argument in Perachora I, 1 and 21, that, if Peraea ‘can mean only the land opposite Corinth,’ the name ‘can have been given only after the district became Corinthian.’ In this sense Corinth is a geographical term; at any period when Greek was spoken in the Peloponnese this name could have been coined and not only in the Dorian Corinth of 850 B.C.

³⁰ JHS LXVIII 65; PAE 1934, 55, fig. 15.

³¹ The clay of the Geometric pottery at the Heraeum does not generally indicate the place of manufacture; we do not know what clay was used in the Megarid by Megarians, and in many cases we cannot distinguish the clay of ‘Corinthian-style’ from the clay of ‘Argive-style’ pottery. See Perachora I 53 and 65–6, for the clays of the heavy fabric at the Heraeum, and 41–2, for the clay of the temple-models; on p. 32, where it is said ‘most of the Geometric pottery was … certainly local,’ it is not perhaps clear whether the statement is based on style or on a clay peculiar to the immediate locality of the Heraeum.

³² See Jeffery, , JHS LXIX (1949), 31 f.Google Scholar

³³ Perachora I 32.

³⁴ Weinberg, , Corinth VII 1 (1943), nos. 24. and 85.Google Scholar; on p. 8 he notes that the so-called ‘monochrome Argive’ vases, which extend into the geometric period, are in part of Corinthian manufacture. Caskey, , Hesperia XXI (1952), 173Google Scholar, records that at the Argive Heraeum excavation in 1949 ‘most’ pieces of Geometric pottery were local Argive; he lists only-one non-Argive piece, ‘possibly Laconian.’

³⁵ Perachora I 33.

³⁶ JHS LXVIII 63.

³⁷ JHS LXVIII 64. ‘The temple models and clay cakes at Perachora are objects which cannot have come in the course of trade, but witness the continual vists to the sanctuary of individual Argives.’ It is difficult to see why the Argives with their local and revered cult of Hera at hand should make the arduous pilgrimage to the shrine of Hera Acraea, an offshoot of their own cult, in the difficult conditions of 850–750 B.C.

³⁸ Perachora I 118.

³⁹ JHS LXVIII 68. The pure deposits seem to give the soundest basis for dating, and the earliest layer provides the terminus post quem offerings were made. On the dating by Weinberg and Dunbabin this layer begins about 725 B.C.

⁴⁰ Perachora I 32.

⁴¹ Vallet, and Villard, , BCH LXXVI (1952), 289 f.Google Scholar, place the foundation of Megara Hyblaea earlier than the foundation of Syracuse, relying mainly on the evidence of Corinthian pottery found at both sites, which does not seem to me conclusive.

⁴² Dunbabin, , The Western Greeks (1948), 4 and 51.Google Scholar

⁴³ Loc. cit. 231.

⁴⁴ Loc. cit. 14. As Dunbabin says, ‘the presence of Argives among the colonists of Syracuse remains a mere conjecture’. Strabo 270 means rather that Archias collected Dorians from the founders of Megara (Hyblaea), who were probably Megarians but had difficulty in getting a foothold in Sicily.

⁴⁵ The Megarians probably did not despair of regaining their territory and kept the fivefold division of the state, perhaps re-naming or re-locating the Heraeis and the Piraeis. Such conservatism is not strange in a small, distinct community; compare the case of Jersey, which still recognises the King of England as the Duke of Normandy, and remember the tenacity with which Messenians, Aeginetans, and Plataeans maintained their citizenship without a city. But this could only happen if the original state was well established. Thus, if the areas Heraea and Peraea fell to Corinth c. 850 B.C., the Megarian state must have been formed before 850 B.C., which is far too early for the general trend of political development.