^{page 2 note 1} Cf. Pharmakovskiï, B. V., ‘The Archaic Period in Russia,’ Materials for Russian Archaeology. xxxiv. (1914), 15 ff. (Russ.).Google Scholar

^{page 5 note 1} See my article ‘Siriscus, the Historian of the Tauric, ‘Çhersonese,’ in the Journal of the Ministry of Public Instruction, April, 1915 (Division of Classical Philology), 151 ff. (Russ.).Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 1} The finds at Ai-Todor are less characteristic, since the fact that the soldiers belonged to the Moesian army exerted an influence on the character of the money in circulation there. None the less here as well, together with the coins of Byzantium, Marcianopolis, Nicopolis on the Ister, Odessa, Pautalia, Tomi and Plotinopolis, we find a series of coins of Bithynia, Sinope, Amastris and the Pontie Dioscourias. Cf. Rostovtsev, M., ‘The Sanctuary of the Thracian Gods and the Inscriptions of the Beneficiaries at Ai-Todor,’ Reports of Imp. Arch. Comm. 40. 36 (Russ.).Google Scholar

^{page 8 note 2} Inscr. or. septentr. Pont. Eux. ii. 188, 289; iv. 199.

^{page 8 note 3} l.c. ii. 286, p. 308.

^{page 8 note 4} l.c. ii. 291.

^{page 8 note 5} l.c. ii. 292.

^{page 8 note 6} l.c. ii. 300.

^{page 8 note 7} l.c. iv. 304.

^{page 8 note 8} l.c. iv. 401.

^{page 8 note 9} l.c. ii. 296.

^{page 8 note 10} l.c. ii. 286 and 287.

^{page 8 note 11} l.c. ii. 44 and 46.

^{page 8 note 12} l.c. ii. 285.

^{page 8 note 13} l.c. ii. 306.

^{page 8 note 14} l.c. 298, 299; Rep. imp. Arch. Comm. 18. 132, 49 ; 14. 124, 47.

^{page 9 note 1} Inscr. or. sept. P. Eux. i.² 340.

^{page 9 note 2} l.c. i.² 351 and 352 ; the latter is the well-known inscription in honour of Diophantus.

^{page 9 note 3} l.c. i.² 358, 542, 543.

^{page 9 note 4} l.c. i.² 357, 359, 545, 546.

^{page 9 note 5} l.c. i.² 364.

^{page 9 note 6} l.c. i.² 27.

^{page 9 note 7} l.c. i.² 20, 688.

^{page 9 note 8} l.c. i.² 30.

^{page 9 note 9} l.c. i.² 40 and 41.

^{page 9 note 10} l.c. i.² 233.

^{page 9 note 11} l.c. i.² 35—Mithridatic period.

^{page 9 note 12} l.c. i.² 174—an architect.

^{page 9 note 13} l.c. i.² 791.

^{page 9 note 14} Dio Chrys. Or. 36. ed. v. Arnim.

^{page 10 note 1} Cf.Marquardt, , Staatsverwaltung, i. 349 ff.Google Scholar; Brandis, , in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Enc. ii. 524 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 10 note 2} The literature on the career of Pliny is given by Schanz, , Gesch. d. röm. Lit. ii. ² (1913), 351.Google Scholar The basic investigation (revised in the last edition) is the classical article of Mommsen, (Ges. Schr. v. 366 ff.Google Scholar).

^{page 10 note 3} On this point see Cumont, Fr., ‘Le gouvernement de Cappadoce sous les Flaviens,’ Bull. de l'Académie royale de Belgique, 1905, 197 ff.Google Scholar; Ritterling, E., Oester. Jahresh. x. (1907), 299 ff.Google Scholar; Brandis, , in Pauly-Wissowa, vii. 552 ff.Google Scholar (s.v. ‘Galatia’). From 107 A.D. the command was divided into two parts, Cappadocia being united to Pontus.

^{page 11 note 1} Regarding this see von Premerstein, A., in Pauly-Wissowa, iv. 1647 ff.Google Scholar (s.v. ‘Corrector’): cf. Klio, xii. (1913), 81; Reid, James S., The Municipalities of the Roman Empire, Cambridge, 1913, 473.Google Scholar

^{page 11 note 2} Agri Bithynici regii; Cicero speaks of them de leg. agr. 2, 19, 50.

^{page 11 note 3} One naturally recalls the Thracian Mariandyni, who were from ancient times serfs on the territory of Heraclea.

^{page 11 note 4} Cic. l.c. 51.

^{page 12 note 1} See my Studien zur Gesch. d. röm. Kolonates, 283 ff.

^{page 12 note 2} See Hirschfeld, O., Kl. Schr. 566.Google Scholar

^{page 12 note 3} i.e. in the last stage of its development.

^{page 12 note 4} Cf. the inscription from Dacibyza, , Inscr. gr. ad res rom. pert. ii. 2Google Scholar; my Stud. zur Gesch. a. röm. Kol. 197, 1. The remounters mentioned here belong to the same coh. iv. eqüestris, about which Pliny speaks (Ep. ad Tr. 106, 107). Cf. Cichorius, in Pauly-Wissowa, iv. 284 (s.v. ‘Cohors’).Google Scholar

^{page 13 note 1} On the classis Pontica see Fiebiger, , in Pauly-Wissowa, iii. 2643Google Scholar (s.v. ‘Classis’): cf. Premerstein, , in Klio, xiii. (1913), 81.Google Scholar

^{page 13 note 2} In this regard one of Pliny's letters to Trajan is particularly interesting; its commencement, unfortunately, has not been preserved. This is one of those letters of introduction to his subordinate officials, which Pliny presumably wrote towards the close of his mission. One is written to the procurator Maximus (Ep. ad Tr. 85); the other to the praefectus orae Ponticae Gavius Rufus (Ep. 86). The name of the bearer is not preserved in the letter as we have it, but it no doubt concerned a man who had much to do with troops, but at the same time also with the pagani, i.e. the non-urban population of Bithynia; cf. Ep. ad Tr. 87: apud me et milites et pagani, a quibus iustitia eius et humanitas penitus inspecta est, certatim ei qua privatim qua publice testimonia perhibuerunt.

^{page 14 note 1} See on this Brandis, , in Hermes, xxxi. (1896), 161 ff.Google Scholar; Premerstein, , in Klio, xiii. (1913), 80 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 14 note 2} Cf. a series of inscriptions from Prusias, which date from the period of Septimius Severus and Caracalla, where this oppressive munus is taken upon themselves by the most prominent citizens of the town; Inscr. gr. ad res rom. pert. iii. 60, 66, 67, 1421, cf. 1412. See my article in Pauly-Wissowa, vii. 164 and 170.

^{page 14 note 3} xi. 2, 120, 496.

^{page 14 note 4} Hist. iii. 47.

^{page 15 note 1} Regarding the above I have had reason to discuss these matters on various occasions in connexion with the publication of various inscriptions which deal with the occupation of various points in the Crimea and the Caucasus by Roman troops. See those inscriptions at present in the new edition of Latyshev, V., Inscr, or. Sept. Pont. Eux. 1. 167Google Scholar, 236, 237, 322 (Olbia), 417, 449, 557, 561, 748; cf. 562, 656 (Chersonese), 674 ff. (Ai-Todor, cf. p. 508 ff.), in part with my commentary and with notices of articles previously written by me regarding them.

^{page 15 note 2} He was brought to account in the year 61 A.D.—Tac. Ann. 14. 46.

^{page 16 note 1} Cf. C.I.L. iii. 6993—the construction of a road in the year 78 A.D.

^{page 16 note 2} We now have a collection of the coins which mention the names of Roman magistrates and officials in the work of Münsterberg, R., Die Beamtennamen auf den griechischen Münzen, in the Wiener Numismatische Zeitschrift, 1911Google Scholar, 1912, 1914, and separate Vienna, 1914, 129 (61) ff. The majority of the coins are now accessible in a good edition in Babelon-Reinach, Recueil, i. 2 and 3.

^{page 16 note 3} Hirschfeld, , Verwaltungsbeamten, 346 ff.Google Scholar; Kleine Schriften, 26, 1; 566, 9; 714, 7; against his view, Brandis in Pauly-Wissowa, iii. 529 ff.

^{page 16 note 4} Tac. Ann. xii. 26.

^{page 17 note 1} Tac. l.c. 18 ff.

^{page 17 note 2} Tac. Hist. ii. 47.

^{page 18 note 1} See C.I.L. iii. 6983; Inscr. gr. ad res rom. pert. iii. 83.

^{page 18 note 2} See C.I.L. iii. 346, add. p. 976.

^{page 18 note 3} Tac. Hist. i. 20.

^{page 18 note 4} His military career is given by C.I.L. iii. Suppl. 14386 ff. From this inscription we see that he had had a long career in the regular army and in all sections of the guard, which began from the lower ranks; of course only the centurionates and the positions above this are noted. Unfortunately this inscription, which was found at Baalbek, is only a fragment, in which is preserved the beginning of the text. The fact that it was found there shows, perhaps, that the career of Naso in the Orient began or ended not only in Pontus and Bithynia.

^{page 18 note 5} Dio Cassius, 60, 33; A.D. 50.

^{page 18 note 6} C.I.L. iii. 6993.

^{page 18 note 7} Inscription from Nicopolis in Epirus, Lebas, ii. 1076; Dessau, 8849; cf. Hirschfeld, , Verwaltungsbeamten, 295. 3.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 1} See the inscription of Sempronius Victor, P. Sallustius, Prosopographia imp. rom. iii. 160Google Scholar, No. 69; von Domaszewski, A., Rangordnung, 141 and 147Google Scholar; unfortunately Domaszewski does not establish the chronology of his material. The inscription, of a similar type, of L. Titinius Clodianus (C.I.L. viii. 8329) is likewise of uncertain date. He was procurator of Pontus and Bithynia after holding the position of procurator Alpium Maritimarum; cf. Prosop. imp. rom. iii. 327, 190; Domaszewski, , Rangordnung, 143. 1.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 2} Ep. 18.

^{page 19 note 3} Cf. Epp. 19, 20, 21, 29, 52, 53, 74, 77, 86B, 100, 101, 106, 107.

^{page 19 note 4} Ep. 21; ut ex cohortibus quibus me praeesse voluisti; Ep. 106 mentions the coh. vi. equestris and its commander P. Accius Aquila.

^{page 19 note 5} Ep. 29.

^{page 19 note 6} Epp. 19, 20.

^{page 19 note 7} Ep. 21.

^{page 19 note 8} Ep. 74.

^{page 20 note 1} Epp. 42, 61, 62, 77.

^{page 20 note 2} Cf. also Ep. 78.

^{page 20 note 3} Epp. 27, 28, 84.

^{page 20 note 4} Prosop. imp. rom. iii. 446, 473 and 474.

^{page 20 note 5} Tac. Hist. iii. 27, 28.

^{page 20 note 6} Epp. 27, 28. At the disposal of the procurators who bought the grain for the army was a complete set of minor officials. One of them, a dispensator ad frumentum, is mentioned in the inscription C.I.L. iii. 333; Inscr. gr. ad res rom. pert. iii. 25. To what extent Bithynia could be supplied by grain raised within her own borders, and how important in this regard were the regular commercial relations with the Bosporus, is shown by Dio's oratio, where he defends himself before his fellow citizens of Prusa (Or. 46). From it we see that troubles with the grain-supply were not infrequent in Bithynian and Pontic towns.

^{page 20 note 7} Epp. 63, 67.

^{page 20 note 8} Ep. 84.

^{page 21 note 1} Ep. 67.

^{page 21 note 2} So we would infer from Ep. 63.

^{page 21 note 3} Cf. Lucian, , Alex. 57Google Scholar: παραπλέοντας εὑρὼν Βοσποριανούς τινας πρέσβεις παρ᾿ Εὐπάτορος τοῦ βασιλέως ἐς τὴν Βιθυνίαν ἐπιόντας ἐπὶ κομιδῇ τῆς ἐπετείον συντάξεως On this see Cumont, , Mém. de l'Acad. de Belg. 1887 (40), 49 ff.Google Scholar; Premerstein, in Klio 1913, 81Google Scholar: for the third century A.D., cf. Zos. i. 31. 2.