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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 04 October 2013
These notes are intended both as a supplement to, and as a partial correction of, my former article in this Annual, in the light of recent fieldwork in south-western Peloponnese, and of current views on the geography and place names of the Pylos Tablets. We now know that Mycenaean settlement was widespread throughout the Pamisos Valley of eastern Messenia and the western shores of the Messenian Gulf. And from the Pylos documents it has been deduced that the ‘Further Province’ of Pylos probably lay in eastern Messenia. These factors necessitate a reassessment of the Homeric tradition, particularly as regards the locations of the Seven Cities offered by Agamemnon to Achilles. I shall begin by summarizing the new archaeological information, in so far as it is relevant to the locations of the Seven Cities, before attempting an historical correlation.
1 BSA lii (1957) 231–59.
2 Summarized in AJA lxv (1961) 221–60 and AJA lxviii (1964) 229–45.
3 I refer particularly to the following: Palmer, L. R., ‘Military Arrangements for the Defence of Pylos’, Minos iv (1956) 120–45Google Scholar; Mycenaeans and Minoans (1961); The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts (1963); Chadwick, J., ‘The Two Provinces of Pylos’, Minos vii (1963) 125–41.Google Scholar
4 I am greatly indebted to Professor W. A. McDonald for permission to make use of material derived from fieldwork by us and by other members of the University of Minnesota Messenian Expedition. It should be emphasized that the journeys made in May and June 1965 by Mr. Roger Howell and myself were also on behalf of the Expedition. Mr. Howell and I would like to express our gratitude to Dr. N. Yalouris, the Ephor for the district, and Mr. Petros Themelis, the Epimelete, as well as to the guardians at the Kalamata Museum, Messrs. Panayiotis Stephanou and Ioannis Tavoulareas.
5 Abbreviations
Valmin = M. N. Valmin, Études topographiques sur la Messénie ancienne (1930).
Roebuck = Roebuck, C. A., A History of Messeniafrom 369 to 146 B.C. (Private Edition, University of Chicago Libraries, 1941.)Google Scholar
I am much indebted to Professor Roebuck for permission to make use of the latter work, which I had not the opportunity of reading before writing my article in BSA lii.
6 See BSA lii. 235, fig. 3.
7 p. 16, n. 46.
8 Valmin, 201 f. and fig. 4.
9 In BSA lii. 238 this was wrongly spelled 
The correct spelling is 
(cf. Vayiakakou, D. V., Peloponnesiaca v (1962) 166–8.Google Scholar
10 Valmin, 182–6; cf. BSA lii. 239 and nn. 35–36.
11 Description géographique et historique de la Morée (Paris 1687) 36 and plan 20. This plan is reproduced more or less accurately by Kougeas, , Ellinika vi (1933) 279, fig. 6, but without Coronelli's scale and orientation marks.Google Scholar
12 Op. cit. 262, fig. 1 (east side) and 263, fig. 2 (south-east side).
13 p. 186, fig. 35.
14 Castles of the Morea (1953) 26, fig. 22, a fine stretch on the south curtain (at point E on fig. 2 here).
15 Cf. Scranton, , Greek Walls (1941) 45 ff.Google Scholar, especially 68 f. Kougeas, op. cit. 261 ff., thought that the walls were prehistoric!
16 pp. 182–95.
17 pp. 118–21.
18 Pausanias, iii. 2, 6 and 7, 4; iv. 4, a and 31, 3; Strabo, viii. 4, 9 (362).
19 AJA lxv. 235 (No. 34).
20 For ancient walls on the Kastro, see BCH lxxxiii (1959) 632.Google Scholar An inscription of the reign of Tiberius has also been found (JHS Arch. Rep. for 1960–1, 11). A pithos burial with a little Geometric bronze horse was found to north-east of Kalamata, (BCH lxxxv (1961) 697Google Scholar; cf. JHS Arch. Rep. for 1961–2, 10); and the discovery of objects, dating from Geometric to Hellenistic, on the right bank of the Nedon, about 800 m. from the present coast (BCH lxxxiii. 639 f.) shows that the ancient shore can not have been much further north than the present (BSA lii. 253 and Leake, , Morea i. 344).Google Scholar
21 Previous investigation (BSA lii. 242 f. and fig. 5 on p. 241) had suggested that Tourles was primarily a Mycenaean cemetery.
22 Ioannis Tavoulareas, a guard at the Kalamata Museum, has recently collected sherds and other objects from Tourles, including Archaic and Roman, and these will be recorded later by the epimelete, Mr. Themelis. It also seems likely that it was on Tourles that Bursian observed some walls (Geographie von Griechenland (1872) ii. 171), since his description reads ‘Eine halbe Stunde nordöstlich von Kalamata … zur Linken des directen Weges von Kalamata nach Sparta’.
23 Skias, , AE 1911, 110–15Google Scholar, describes traces of roads up both banks of the Nedon. But these were clearly not long distance roads, as is shown by the gauge (1·80–2·0 m.) and an 18 per cent, gradient.
24 Gauge of roadway (distance between inner edges of ruts) 1·06–1·10 m. Depth of ruts from 0·09 m. to 0·18 m. (varying). Width of ruts (at bottom) 0·12–0·15 m.
25 Gauge of roadway (distance between inner edges of ruts) 1·03–1·07 m. Depth of ruts from 0·05 to 0·19 m. (varying). Width of ruts (at bottom) 0·08–0·20 m.
26 It may be suspected that the Nedon tracks (Skias, loc. cit.) and those near Tourles would have been used in the medieval period.
27 IG v1. 1369 and 1370. Roebuck 122 f., gives a good commentary: ‘… IG V, i, 1369, 1–4 reads 
Since the stone was not set up in Sparta, it is a reasonable supposition that it was set up where the man lived, in Calamae. The other inscription, IG V, 1, 1370, 28 is read by Kolbe: 
but the implication of the phrase is obscure.’
28 These will be recorded later by the Greek Archaeological Service.
29 This is clearly the same as the 
recorded by Skias, , AE 1911, 117.Google Scholar
30 loc. cit.
31 Scranton, Greek Walls 163, no. 19, ‘Janitzo’; cf. Noack, , AM xix (1894), 483–5 and fig. 18.Google Scholar
32 This appears to derive from a garbled rendering of Pausanias iv. 3, 2 and iv. 30, 2 (concerning the sanctuary of the sons of Machaon at Pharai). Valmin, 41 f. mentions the cleft and its ‘courant de vapeur’, and also the remains of a building here ‘en pierres assez grosses’; cf. Roebuck, 123.
33 Appendix II (122–4), ‘The Identification of Calamae and Pharae’.
34 Valmin, 55.
35 Cf. BSA lii. 253.
36 AM xix (1894) 365–7; cf. Valmin, 49 f.
37 Od, iii. 487 ff.; xv. 182 ff.
38 AM xix (1894) 365–7.
35 Valmin, 49, says: ‘il y a des ornières à partir du couvent de Dimiova jusqu’à la bordure est du plateau appelé Tikli.’ But there are no known traces of wheel ruts at Dimiova; and it is possible that Valmin here confused Dimiova monastery with Ayia Triada.
40 He recorded a length of 50 m. and ruts 0·07 m. deep and 0·15 m. wide.
41 Gauge of roadway (distance between inner edges o: ruts) about 0·90 m. Depth of ruts 0·06 m. Width of ruts (at bottom) 0·10 m.
42 Od. iii. 495.
43 Full measurements as follows: Maximum width of roadway (outer edge of ruts to outer edge) 0·86 m. Gauge of roadway (inner edge of ruts to inner edge) 0·47 m. Depth of ruts approx. 0·03 m. Width of ruts (at bottom) 0·12–0·20 m.
44 The modern route, however, now connects via Portes and Ayios Vasilios with the Langada Pass. For this, and other routes across Taygetus, see Appendix.
45 Der Peloponnes 234 and n. 1.
46 Cf. Valmin, 50, n. 63.
47 Königsreisen ii. 201; cf. BSA xvi (1909–10) 64.
48 Mani, 1–22.
49 Cf. also BSA, loc. cit.
50 Mani 7.
51 AJA lxv. 255; Valmin, 194; BCH lxxxiii (1959) 640 and 641, figs. 21–22. Desborough, , PPS xxxi (1965) 214Google Scholar, comments that the Protogeometric sherds need not be as early as the eleventh century B.C.
52 iv. 31, 3 and v. 4, 2.
53 viii. 4, 9 (362).
54 BSA lii. 243–5; AJA lxv. 250 f. (no. 78); AJA lxviii. 239 (Appendix d).
55 Cf. AJA lxviii, loc. cit.
56 Cf. AJA lxv, loc. cit. and ill. 14 (it should, however, be noted that on this diagram the modern villages of Antheia and Aithaia were confused).
57 AJA lxviii. 235 (no. 77A).
58 AE 1911, 118.
59 Named 
60 BSA lii. 245.
61 These were presented to the Kalamata Museum by Mr. N. Dikaios, and will be reported on by Mr. Themelis.
62 Cf. Valmin, 56 ff. and fig. 4.
63 Scranton, Greek Walls 131 f. and 180, cf. 115, fig. 24 (Peiraeus). It is surprising that Scranton did not include Thouria in his survey.
64 pp. 58 f.
65 Bull. Lund 1928–9, 137 f.
66 Scranton, loc. cit.
67 Gauge of roadway (from inner edge of ruts to inner edge) 1·20 m. Depth of ruts 0·07 m. to 0·13 m. Width of ruts (at bottom) 0·20 m. to 0·23 m.
68 Cf. AJA lxv. 255 and BSA lii. 245.
69 Contrast the view expressed in BSA lii. 254 f.
70 Cf. AJA lxviii, nos. 77A–C.
71 For the most recent finds, see BCH lxxxvi (1962) 725 and JHS Arch. Rep. for 1960–1, 11. For the significance of the Protogeometric (and sub-Mycenaean?) finds, cf. V. R. d'A. Desborough, The Last Mycenaeans and their Successors 37 ff., 72, 95 f.
72 Kastro, is the area marked ‘Bare Limestone’ on BSA lii. 251, fig. 10.Google ScholarTod, , JHS xxv (1905) 40 f.Google Scholar, noted two tombs at Portes on the west, where the saddle unites the acropolis to the foothills of Mt. Lykodimo.
73 pp. 18 ff.
74 e.g. JHS Arch. Rep. for 1960–1, 11, under Vounaria and Longa.
75 ADelt ii (1916) 65 ff.
76 Pausanias writes 
But the lectio difficilior of the inscriptions (Valmin, , Bull. Lund 1928–9, 146 f., nos. 18 and 19)Google Scholar is 
cf. SEG xi, nos. 993–5.
77 They are surely on the sea (cf. Valmin, 172, fig. 33).
78 Valmin, 171 ff., Tod, , JHS xxv. 38–40, Roebuck, 18 ff.Google Scholar
79 There can be no doubt that ancient Asine lay on the site of the Venetian fortress (cf. Roebuck, loc. cit., who answers the doubts raised by Valmin, , Bull. Lund 1934–1935, 44–46).Google Scholar In 1965 I noted some very fine classical sherds on the steep banks on the south-west side of the fortress, below the monastery.
80 AJA lxv. 247 (no. 73).
81 Ibid. 254, Appendix g and h. A short examination in 1965 was also unrewarded.
82 Ibid., Appendix f. The position of ancient Methone (where the Venetian fortress now stands) is certain. Tod, , JHS xxv. 33 f.Google Scholar, noted that the eastern wall is built in parts on ancient foundations. These are particularly apparent in a tower on the south-east, and traces have recently been found in the south-west sector (JHS Arch. Rep. for 1962–3, 18).
83 Pausanias, iii. 21, 1–3 and viii. 34, 1–6; Loring, , JHS xv (1895) 36 ff.Google Scholar; Valmin, 55, 91, 95 ff., 108, 124; Roebuck, 11 ff.
84 A full bibliography on Taygetus, routes was given in RE IIIA, 1343 ff.Google Scholar
85 The Admiralty Handbook of Greece i, Route 74, via Trypi, Artemisia, and Lada.
86 Toynbee, A. J., JHS xxxiii (1913) 246 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar, believed that the Dorians used the Langada pass to enter Laconia from Messenia.
87 e.g. Wyse, , Excursion in the Peloponnese (1858) 174 ff.Google Scholar
88 Philippson, Der Peloponnes 234, 245, 248; Valmin, 50, n. 63.
89 Roebuck, 15. To the notes on this route, BSA lii. 236 and lvi. 128, should be added the description in The Admiralty Handbook of Greece i, under Routes 68 and 75. A significant extract reads: ‘Path leads along the S. side over the bed of the ravine. Path then descends to the dry bed and ascends E. up the narrow valley over difficult ground for many hours without finding any water.’ Valmin, 50 and 201, n. 83, was uncertain as to whether the wheel tracks (gauge f25 m.) found to north of Kardhamyli belong to this route or to the route from Oitylos to Kala mata (for the latter, see BSA lii. 232 — wheel ruts in the plateau between Koutiphari and Platsa. Similar traces were also found near Leuktro, but these were obliterated when the new motor road was recently completed).
90 73 f., and 55, n. 76.
91 BSA lvi. 125 ff.
92 The Admiralty Handbook of Greece i, Route 72B starts up the valley of the river on the east of Thouria, proceeds to Poliani via Gardhiki, and thence via Dyrrachi to Georghitsi.
93 For the position of this site, and for these routes in general, see Valmin's map, at the end of his book.
94 BCH lxxxiii (1959) 640. A Mycenaean (?) steatite button in the Kalamata Museum is labelled 
95 Georghitsi is now called Kastania, (BSA lvi. 125).Google Scholar
96 Page, D., History and the Homeric Iliad (1959) 178–217, especially 182.Google Scholar
97 AJA lxv (1961) 257 f. and n. 15.
98 For the route to the east cf. AJA lxviii (1964) 240 f.
99 Chadwick, J., Minos vii (1963) 125–41.Google ScholarWyatt, W. F., ‘The Ma Tablets from Pylos’, AJA lxvi (1962) 21–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar, attempts to demonstrate the existence of further sub divisions of the two ‘provinces’ for the purpose of tax assessment.
100 Strabo, viii. 4, 2 (359).
101 Chadwick, op. cit. 136 ff.; Ventris, and Chadwick, , Documents in Mycenaean Greek (1956) 144.Google ScholarPalmer, , Minos iv (1956) 142–5Google Scholar, and The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts 65 ff., prefers to take Ai-ko-ra-i-ja as representing Cape Akritas. But, whether a ‘land-mark’ or a ‘sea-mark’ is preferred, substantially the same location is postulated for the ‘Further Province’.
102 Chadwick, op. cit. 128 f.
103 Palmer, op. cit., especially 65, 72 f., makes the equation Pi–*82 = 
but cf. Chadwick, , Gnomon xxxvi (1964) 325.Google Scholar Certainly the Neda marked the border of Messenia in Strabo's time (viii. 3, 22 (348); cf. Pausanias, iv. 20, 2). After the battle of Chaeronea in 338 B.C., a Panhellenic commission limited Sparta's territory to what she had possessed in the division attributed to the Hera-klidai (Polybius, ix. 33, 8–12 and 28, 7; Strabo, viii. 4, 6 (361); Tacitus, , Annals iv. 43).Google Scholar The southern boundary of Messenia was now apparently the river Milia (the ‘little Pamisos’ of Strabo, loc. cit.), north of Pephnos, the eastern boundary was at Taygetus, and the northern boundary at the Neda. For boundary stones on Taygetus set up during the reign of Tiberius, see Giannokopoulos, N. A., ΠΛΑΤωΝ (1953) 1–16Google Scholar; cf. BCH lxxvii ( 1953) 213, AJA lviii (1954) 235, and SEG xiii. 63 (no. 269).
104 Palmer, , Minos iv. 120 ff.Google Scholar, especially 124.
105 Chadwick, , Minos vii (1963) 133 f.Google Scholar, notes that the names in An 657 are infrequent in the rest of the records.
106 Palmer, op. cit. 134. Both here and in The Interpretation of Mycenaean Greek Texts 67, 155, 159, Palmer also connects a2-ru-wo-te with the 
mentioned by Pausanias (iv. 36, 7). Valmin, 107 ff., identified this with the site at Vounaki, (cf. AJA lxv (1961) 253).Google Scholar But it may be preferable to take 
(Pausanias, loc. cit.) as referring to the valley of the river of Kyparissia, which is known as 
(cf. Allen, T. W., The Homeric Catalogue of Ships (1921) 79Google Scholar). In modern Greek usage, 
is often found as a name for coastal bays or for valleys.
107 Palmer, op. cit. 147 ff., especially 157; Chadwick, , Minos vii (1963) 134.Google Scholar
108 There is a suggestive soil change, from marl and ‘asprochoma’ to limestone and terra rossa, near Almyros, where the road south from Kalamata begins to climb steeply up to the Kambos plateau. In the Turkish period, Almyros marked the northern boundary of the Mani.
109 Chadwick, Google Scholar, Minos vii (1963) 135.Google Scholar
110 Ibid. 129 f.
111 Chadwick, ibid. 135, says that Strabo (viii. 4, 5 (360), cf. viii. 4, 7 (361)) ‘gives 
as the old name of 
’ But Strabo only says 
112 Chadwick, ibid. 134 f. Palmer, op. cit. 68, 71, 75, etc., argues that Re-u-ko-to-ro stands in the same relation to ‘The Seven’ as Pu-ro to ‘The Nine’ (i.e. that it is their administrative centre), and he is therefore inclined to equate the important Mycenaean settlement at Nichoria with Re-u-ko-to-ro (cf. Mycenaeans and Minoans 141). Palmer also suggests that the list of ‘The Seven’ begins at the point furthest from the (southern) boundary with ‘The Nine’ (Minos iv. 142, cf. The Interpretation… 68, where he draws an interesting analogy with Strabo's ‘leap’ from Akritas to Tainaron in the description of the Messenian Gulf). Chadwick, ibid. 133, n. 11, opposes Palmer's suggestion, citing the order of names in Jn 829 and An 661. But, in any case, the order of ‘The Seven’ is not constant (cf., inter alia, Palmer, op. cit. 76), and the different names are sometimes apparently substituted as alternatives for the same areas (Chadwick, ibid. 131 f.). Wyatt, op. cit. 30 f., also tries to sort out the geographical interrelationships of ‘The Seven’. But the ‘bottom’ of his ‘map’ (at the foot of p. 31) may, of course, really be the ‘top’ (i.e. North).
113 Chadwick, ibid. 126.
114 Il. ii. 591–602.
115 Ventris and Chadwick, op. cit. 141 f.
116 In the form Ku-pa-ri-si-jo (An 657).
117 Page, op. cit. 199 and 216, n. 101, claimed that six out of the nine Catalogue names are represented (cf. Webster, T.B. L., From Mycenae to Homer (1958) 119).Google Scholar But Tu-re-we-u for 
A-pu2 for 
A-pi-ke-ne-a for 
and E-re-i (or E-re-e) for 
all involve philological imagination to a greater or a lesser extent. Palmer, op. cit. 70 f., correctly disposes of many of the correlations suggested by Kerchensteiner, J., ‘Pylostafeln und homerischer Schiffskatalog’, Münchener Studien zu Sprachwissenschaft ix (1956) 35 ff.Google Scholar (cf. also Burr, V., ‘Die Tontafeln von Pylos und der homerische Schiffskatalog’, Festschrift des Peutinger-Gymnasiums Ellwagen (1958) 71–81).Google Scholar
118 Il. xi. 670–761.
119 Il. vii. 132–56.
120 Il. xi. 689–91.
121 Wade-Gery, H. T., AJA lii (1948) 115–18CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and The Poet of the Iliad (1952) 56 and 86, n. 117.
122 Page, loc. cit. The episode is clearly separated from the wars with the Epeians by the phrase 
(Il. xi. 691).
123 Od. xxi. 9–41; cf. Od. viii. 223–8; Pausanias, iv. 15, 8.
124 Il. xi. 754–61; cf. Il. xxiii. 629 ff. (the contests at the funeral of Amarynkeos).
123 Il. vii. 132 ff.
126 Il. v. 544 f.
127 Il. xi. 712.
128 Il. ii. 592.
129 Strabo, viii. 3, 28–29 (351–3)
130 e.g. Wade-Gery, , AJA lii (1948) 115–18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
131 McDonald, W. A., AJA xlvi (1942) 538–45, especially 544, n. 44.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
132 Pausanias, iv. 3, 3 says that the Dorian Expedition and the Return of the Heraklidai, which drove the descendants of Neleus out of Messenia, took place two generations after the War.
133 Il. xi. 712.
134 Il. ix. 153 and 295.
135 Nilsson, M. P., The Mycenaean Origin of Greek Mythology (1932) 84 f.Google Scholar
136 
would thus be taken as equivalent to Strabo's variant 
(Strabo, viii. 3, 24 (349); cf. Allen, op. cit. 74 f.). For Strabo's mis-translation (viii. 3, 22 (348)) of 
see the commentary, ad loc, in the Loeb edition (vol. iv, 69 n. 1).
137 Nilsson, loc. cit.; cf. BSA lii (1957) 256. For Jachmann's, G. assertion, in Der homerische Schiffskatalog und die Ilias (1958) 56 ff.Google Scholar, that Il. ix. 153 is copied from Il. xi. 712, see Page, D., Classical Review x (1960) 106.Google Scholar Any similarity between the lines is better regarded as a probable indication of a common descent from the same original ‘formula’.
138 Ventris and Chadwick, op. cit. 145; cf. Palmer, Mycenaeans and Minoans 80, n. 1.
139 For 
(Il. ix. 149), cf. 
(Il. ii. 501, 505, 546); for 
(Il. ix. 150), cf. 
(II. ii. 503); for 
(Il. ix. 151), cf. Il. ii. 508, 520; for 
(II. ix. 152), cf. 
(Il. ii. 561).
140 Wade-Gery, , The Poet of the Iliad 56–31 and p. 86, n. 116.Google Scholar The idea is apparently quite an old one (cf. Strabo, viii. 5, 8(367)).
141 As in the case of Il. ii. 699 ff. (the absence of Protesilaus), 721 ff. (the absence of Philoctetes), and 686 ff. (the absence of Achilles, on account of wrath); cf. Wade-Gery, op. cit. 57. In BSA lii (1957) 257, I suggested that the ‘Kingdom’ of the Seven Cities might have been taken over by Agamemnon during the minority of Diokles (the younger). Whether or not this particular suggestion is historically acceptable, some such explanation might have been expected as an introduction to the dramatic context, especially if the poet had ‘lifted’ the Seven Cities from the Pylian section of the Catalogue. But it should perhaps be noted that, if the lines were to be incorporated in the Pylian section more or less as they stand, this would involve a harsh juxtaposition of 
(Il. ii. 592) and 
(Il. ix. 152); and this would seem another indication in favour of a diversity of traditions.
142 BSA lii. 256–9.
143 Il. v. 541–60; cf. Od. iii. 487–90 and xv. 185–8 (Telemachos' visits to 
), and Od. xxi. 15 f.
144 Strabo, viii. 4, 1–6 (358–61); Pausanias, iv. 31, 1 and 34, 4 to 35, 1; cf. BSA lii. 254 f.
145 Palmer, Mycenaeans and Minoans 80, dismisses all the locations suggested by Strabo and Pausanias which lie to west of the Pamisos as ‘sheer guesswork’. Such radical scepticism, however, might create an awkward precedent; since it could presumably be applied, for instance, in the case of Strabo's location of 
(viii. 4, 5 (360)), which constitutes an important (and to me acceptable) ‘fix’ for Palmer's own hypothesis (The Interpretation … 65 ff., 147 ff.). And it is not quite true (Palmer, Mycenaeans and Minoans, loc. cit.) that nothing in Homer justifies the extension of the territory of the Seven Cities to the west of the Nedon or the Pamisos. Homer's description of the Cities as 
taken together with the possibility (if not the probability) that the Cities are named in order starting from the south-east, encourages the supposition that some of them lay on the west of the Gulf.
146 Chadwick, , Minos vii. 134, n. 12Google Scholar, ‘it must not be too readily assumed that Homer's political geography is contemporary with our tablets’.
147 Od. xxi. 11 ff.; cf. Strabo, viii. 5, 8 (367–8).
148 Valmin, 7 ff., 40; cf. BSA lii. 258 f.
149 Od. xxi. 17–19.
150 Strabo, viii. 4, 1 (358–9); cf. viii. 3,29 (352–3), viii.5, 3 (364), and viii. 5, 8 (367–8). But Strabo's ‘proof’ that Messene lay within Lacedaemon is specious, being based on a too literal interpretation of the relationship of 
and 
in the story of the meeting of Odysseus and Iphitos.
151 Pausanias, iv. 3, 1.
152 Pausanias, iii. 26, 9; cf. iv. 3, 2; cf. Strabo, viii. 3, 7 (339–40).
153 Pausanias, iv. 3, 2 and 3, g, and iv. 30, 3.
154 Pausanias, iv. 30, 1. Asklepios was also worshipped at Leuctra (Pausanias, iii. 26, 4; cf. BSA x (1903–4) 162).
155 BSA lii. 257 f.
156 Chadwick, , Minos vii. 134 f.Google Scholar, says ‘if the o-ka series is complete, it is impossible to understand the absence of another section or two covering the eastern side of the Gulf’. But the area for whose defence the Pylians were responsible may have ended at the vicinity of the Nedon.
157 Cf. the diagram on BSA lii. 254.
158 Valmin, 62, also thought that 
should be read instead of the 
of Stephanus (s.v.), who is here follow ing Philochoros. But 
has the support of Thucydides, i. 101, 2.
159 It is hard to understand the reason for considering it appropriate to Asine (Strabo, viii. 4, 5 (360–1)).
160 Pausanias, iv. 34, 6.
161 The early importance of this area is also demonstrated by the temple of Apollo Korynthos (Pausanias, iv. 34, 7) near Ayios Andreas, excavated by Versakis, (ADelt ii (1916) 65 ff.Google Scholar, cf. Valmin, 174 f., and see above on Kaphirio (Longa)). Of the inscriptions found in the vicinity of the temple, two (Valmin, , Bull. Lund 1928–1929, 146 f., nos. 18 and 19)Google Scholar have the name 
Of these, one (apparently of the second or first century B.c.) has only the name 
One is reminded of the ko-ru-to of the Pylos Tablets (Ventris and Chadwick, op. cit. 420). Korythos has a very respectable ancestry (cf. Roscher, , 1395, and RE xi 2. 1466 f.Google Scholar), being the son of Zeus (i.e. not the Korythos of FGrH 4 F 29, the husband of Electra (daughter of Atlas, and one of the Seven Pleiades), and the father of Iasios and (pace Homer, , Iliad xx. 215Google Scholar) of Dardanos (cf. Vergil, , Aeneid iii. 163 ff.Google Scholar, and Servius, ad Aen. iii. 167, 170, vii. 207, 209, ix. 10, and x. 719).Google Scholar Was Apollo here an intruder? Two other inscriptions (ADelt ii. 115 f., no. 81 and 117, no. 82) suggest the form of infiltration. The first (no. 81) is on a marble column which once supported a helmet. It reads:
The second (no. 82) is a dedication 
When the significance of the original deity was forgotten, the transition from Korythos was apparently assisted by the pun with 
(cf. Servius, ad Aen. iii. 170).Google Scholar
