The 1972–73 program entitled Extending the Teaching Competence of Urban Aboriginal Mothers, described by Watts and Henry,(1977), drew both on cultural deprivation and cultural difference theory, in a way that invites consideration of the possibility of reconciliation of these two apparently opposing positions.

First, to elucidate the program and its research bases, it aimed to enhance the prospects for school success of Grade 1 and later 4-year old Aboriginal children in Brisbane, not by focusing directly on the child in a school or pre-school setting, but by working with parent and child at home.

This focus was suggested by a number of studies in the sixties (e.g. Bernstein, 1961; Hunt, 1961; Dave, 1963; Douglas, 1964; Hess and Shipman, 1965; Coleman, 1966; Wiseman, 1967), indicating that the home is a more important determinant of school success than the school itself.

In particular, Hess,(1969) saw ten family characteristics as significant for the child’s optimal development: demand for high achievement, maximization of verbal interaction, engagement with attentiveness to the child, maternal teaching behaviour, diffuse intellectual stimulation, warm affective relationship with the child, feelings of high regard for child and self, pressure for independence and self-reliance, quality and severity of disciplinary rules, and use of conceptual rather than arbitrary regulatory strategies.

Watts, (1971) found maternal characteristics such as active interest in, and high aspirations for the child, to be more significant for the school achievement of Aboriginal than white adolescent girls.

Once upon a time a little boy called Johnny started school. He was very excited. His Mummy and Daddy had been telling him for what seemed a long time that he would soon go to school. At school he would learn to read and write and do sums. Johnny's Mummy bought him some new clothes - school clothes - and a little suitcase for his school lunch. At last the day arrived, and Mummy took Johnny to the school. Mummy talked to some big people and signed some papers. A nice lady came and talked to Johnny and Mummy. Then Mummy said it was time to go and she would see Johnny after school. The nice teacher lady took Johnny into a room with a lot of other children.

Stimulus pictures can be either one of the most valuable or one of the most misused of teaching aids. If they are simply displayed for an indefinite period, around the classroom walls as decoration, they will quickly become valueless. However, an imaginative teacher should find relevant study prints of value over a wide range of teaching methods and subject areas.

In compiling notes on the use of the set of pictures produced by this Branch, a number of guiding principles were followed. The notes are simply an introduction, not a comprehensive course. Each teacher, each class and each situation will cause the use of the pictures to vary, making it impossible to produce detailed courses with general applicability. Even if such a prescriptive course were possible, we would consider it highly undesirable. The value of the prints will be enhanced to the degree to which they are used creatively, according to the needs of the particular situation.

The notes will seek to present more of a generalised framework to assist teachers in developing their own methods of utilizing the pictures. Various ways of using study prints will be listed and types of questioning and interaction strategies discussed.

I suppose I have to admit that I could have used Paulo Freire’s terms and said “Education for Domination – or Education for Liberation” since most people acquainted with cross-cultural education and education in developing societies would know them. And I certainly do have to admit that there is not much that I have to say that is particularly novel in education. But what I am sure is new in Australia is the deliberate, conscious and consistent effort to apply these ideas in practice in the area of cross-cultural education, in all facets of the curriculum for an educational institution. And so I can give one guarantee about what I say: it may be verbose, and it may even sound abstract, but in the Aboriginal Community College we are trying to do it – and with some success.

But I do not intend merely to give yet another description of the Aboriginal Community College. Frankly, I’m tired of talking about it, constantly repeating myself until I begin to sound like a rather long nursery rhyme. But I am “wrapped” in what we are doing and find this program more stimulating professionally and personally and hence more challenging than anything else I have worked in. I want to deal more generally than merely about this College, because I believe that what we have learnt applies to education in a cross-cultural situation anywhere in Australia and with any minority groups. If I draw my examples from this College, I hope you will tolerate it, and draw your examples from other situations if they are more meaningful to you.

Aboriginal children, like all others, have a love and enthusiasm for physical activity in the form of play, games and sport. For a variety of reasons, this enthusiasm does not always carry over into the other areas of the school program. Mitchell’s (1973) comments are quite commonplace – and they apply not only in Aboriginal schools:

Actually, it is not so surprising that Aboriginal people show an interest in physical activity as evidence suggests that recreational activities formed an integral part of the traditional way of life. The amount of time available for, and the extent and quality of the leisure pursuits, is suggested by Tonkinson (1974):

A listening program geared to the interests of rural Aboriginal children was prepared and sent out to two Year S classes in the north-west of New South Wales. The class, with 19 Aboriginals and 4 whites showed measurable gains in listening comprehension at the end of the program. The Experimental Class with one Aboriginal girl and 10 white children did not show improvements in listening until the Aboriginally oriented listening program was terminated. The significance of these results, particularly for minority groups in a classroom, are discussed.

Some determinants of educability for Aborigines are discussed and such problems as integration aid involvement in decision-making by Aborigines reviewed. The role of the teacher in effective communication with Aboriginal children and Aboriginal communities and related aspects such as teacher expectation are considered. Research findings in behavioural science which relate to belief systems and attitudes are considered for inclusion in teacher education programs for the teachers of Aboriginal children. In conclusion, some proposals are made concerning teacher education programs.