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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 24 December 2009
The silver libation-bowl (phialē) to be described in this note was purchased in London about five years ago by the Hon. Robert Erskine, and now forms part of his collection. To the owner's most generous co-operation we owe this opportunity to publish the piece, and the excellent photograph which appears on plate I. At the time of the purchase, no information was available as to the place and circumstances in which the bowl was found. The only conclusions to be reached are therefore those based on internal evidence.
page 189 note 2 The classic dissertation of Luschey, H., Die Phiale, 1939Google Scholar, makes short work of the search for comparisons.
page 189 note 3 For the technical terminology, and clear descriptions of the processes involved, see Maryon, Herbert, ‘Metal-working in the ancient world’, American Journal of Archaeology, LIII, 1949, 93–125CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
page 191 note 1 For phialai with Aramaic inscriptions, compare those from Tel el-Maskhuta, noticed on p. 193 below; also, of rather later date, those from Prokhorovka, near Orenburg, described in the Recdlexicon der Vorgeschichte, s.v. Prochorovka; and by Kokovtsov, P. K.apud Kostovtsev, M. I., Materialy po Arkheologii Rossii XXXVII, 1918, p. 82Google Scholar(though from the available photographs they might equally well be Parthian).
page 191 note 2 An analogous form, Tiravharna, is found in a Kharosthi inscription, Konow, S., ‘Kabul Museum stone inscription of the year 83’, Ada Orientalia, XVI, 1938, £234–40Google Scholar.
page 192 note 1 See p. 189, n. 3.
page 192 note 2 Museum, Corning, Glass from the ancient world: the Ray Winfield Smith Collection, New York, 1957, 40–1, no. 6Google Scholar.
page 194 note 1 So named in the early literature, but subsequently stated to have come in fact from Mendes.
page 196 note 1 Below, p. 198.
page 196 note 2 Journal of Glass Studies I, 1959, 23–49Google Scholar, an important reference which I owe to Dr. D. B. Harden.
page 196 note 3 Although the evidence connecting these bowls with the site of Canosa appears to be that of the vendor, and somewhat lacking in documentation, it would be plausible to associate the bowls with the chronological horizon noticed by van Buren, A. W. in American Journal of Archaeology LXI, 1957, 379Google Scholar, ‘between the beginning and the middle of the third century B.C.’.
page 196 note 4 'Εϕημɛρς ρχαιολγική, 1902, 167, no. 34.
page 197 note 1 Either by pressing, or by cire-perdu casting, cf. Schuler, Frederic, ‘Ancient glassmaking techniques’, Archaeology, XII, 1959, 47–52Google Scholar.
page 197 note 2 Museum, Corning, Glass from the ancient world: the Bay Winfield Smith Collection 40, no. 53Google Scholar.
page 197 note 3 A piece from Toukh al-Garmous is treated in a principally Greek context by Hausman, Ulrich, Hellenistische Reliefbecher, 20Google Scholar. For the subsequent connexion of Alexandria with the Hellenistic ‘Megarian bowls’, cf. especially van Ufford, L. Byvanck-Quarles, ‘Les bols Mégariens’, Bulletin van de Vereeniging tot Bevordering der Kennis van de Antieke Beschaving (Leiden), XXXIV, 1953, 1–21Google Scholar; idem, ‘Variations sur le theme des bols Mégariens’, ibid., XXXIV, 1959, 58–67.
page 197 note 4 For example a fifth-century specimen from the Oxus Treasure in 0. Dalton, M., The treasure of the Oxus, 2nd ed., 1926, p. 9Google Scholar, no. 19, and pi. v.
page 198 note 1 Richter, G. M. A., A handbook of Greek art, London, 1959, 373Google Scholar. Rostovtsev, M. I., Social and economic history of the Hellenistic world, 371Google Scholar.
